మంచి రోజులు మనకూ వస్తాయి.

ఏప్రిల్ 10, 2010

what i have submitted to sri krishna comittee

To the honourable justice sri krishna committee, New Delhi

respected sir,
iam ramakanth reddy kankanala , a medical graduate from hyderabad , india.
I here by submit to you my report on the telangaana issue .

To begin with , i hail from telangaana region of the present state called andhra pradesh . Iam from nalgonda dist to be specific. But i stay in hyderabad.
I want to give you my account of

WHAT IS TELANGAANA ? WHAT CONSTITUTES TELANGAANA AND ANDHRA PRADESH?

HISTORY OF TELANGAANA TILL PRESENT

MY IMAGINATION IF TELANGAANA STATE IS REALITY

METHOD TO SOLVE THIS —– FEW SUGGESTIONS ………………..

WHAT IS TELANGAANA ? WHAT CONSTITUTES TELANGAANA AND ANDHRA PRADESH?

Literal meaning of Telangaana is telungu/ telugu = aaNiyamu/aaNyamu/aaNemu , meaning telugu country , aaNiyamu for country . The present day telangaana is only a part of the so called TRUE TELANGAANA . The word andhra is the same equivalent in SANSKRIT. Andhra desa meaning andhra country which existed during the times of mahabharata .
In history there is no such place called saperate andhra and saperate telangaana. Both mean the same in teo different languages of INDIA , the SANSKRIT & DRAVIDIAN .

The language spoken by Telangaana is a dravidian derivative ,but variably sanskritised language named TELUGU.

Even when the Mohammadans and turks ,persians and europeans came to INDIA, they used the term TELANGAANA to represent the telugu speaking country as a whole even though the regions of telugu speaking people were ruled by different rulers like
the nizam ( earlier whole of telangaana karnataka madras presidency and parts of kerala )
parts under dutch , french
and parts under the english .

The term andhra is a relatively newer term in use for denoting the telugu speaking lands when they were under the state of MADRAS and later when they saperated from it.
Ofcourse after formation of the new state its name was changed to andhra pradesh.

The telangaana actually contains the telugu speaking areas from the upper and middle peninsula of the indian subcontinent.

Its borders roughly are….
north – uup to the areas of dense jungles of DANDAKAARUNYA or the jungles of gondwana above godavari river, and adjoining parts up to nagpur of maharashtra westward and eastward till the cuttack and ganjam districts of orissa.
South ward till areas up to tanjavur chengalpat district and chennai eastwardly and and up to mysore region west wardly .
East wardly the coast of coramandel from paradip ,puri to pondicherry .
West wardly it extends up to the gulbarga bidar raichur in north to bangalore ,hubli bellary hospet hampi regions of karnataka.
Although there are regions overseas where telugu speaking people reside but were always downlooked , like in MALAYSIA , FIJI, MAURITIUS, SINGAPORE, SRILANKA , SOME PARTS OF CARRIBEAN, PARTS OF AFRICA , SOUTH AFRICA etc.

the present day andhra pradesh more or less the same areas excluding some places.

The TELANGAANA WHICH WAS ONCE A BIG COUNTRY WITH ALL THE REGIONS WAS GRADUALLY CUT DOWN TO PIECES IN THE FORM OF ACCEEDING THE CIRCARS AND CEDED DISTRICTS TO THE BRITISH , AND WHAT IS LEFT IS LEFT OUR PORTION OF TELANGAANA , WHICH IS CALLED PRESENTLY THE TELANGAANA.

I ve given few book citations for this statement.

The famous western reasearcher of telugu and indic languages , Mr. C.P.Brown says this way…

Essays On The Language And The Literature Of The Telugus
 By C. P. Brown

1995 Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc

Pre- and protohistoric Andhra Pradesh up to 500 B.C.
 By M. L. K. Murty, Dravidian University

The Madras journal of literature and science, Volume 7
 By Madras Literary Society and Auxiliary of the Royal Asiatic Society

This i can say in confidance because of the following excerpts which i have found in the

Geneaolgies of the Hindus: extracted from their sacred writings; with an …
 By Francis Hamilton

Useful tables, forming an appendix to the Journal of the Asiatic Society …
 By James Prinsep

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Volume 6, Part 1

The Madras journal of literature and science, Volume 7
 By Madras Literary Society and Auxiliary of the Royal Asiatic Society

History and Historians in Ancient India
 By D.K. Ganguly

Students’ Britannica India, Volumes 1-5
 By Britannica, Dale Hoiberg, Indu Ramchandani

Pre- and protohistoric Andhra Pradesh up to 500 B.C.
 By M. L. K. Murty, Dravidian University

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Volume 3
 By Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland

Historical fragments of the Mogul empire. Of the Morattoes, and of the …
 By Robert Orme

Ancient India: From the Earliest Times to the First Century AD
 By E.J. Rapson

A general collection of the best and most interesting voyages and travels in …
 By John Pinkerton

Tracts, historical and statistical, on India: with journals of several tours …
 By Benjamin Heyne

A new and comprehensive gazetteer, Volume 3
 By George Newenham Wright

Oriental historical manuscripts in the Tamil language, Volume 2
 By William Taylor

The history of India: the Hindú and Mahometan periods

The nizam, his history and relations with the British government
 By Henry George Briggs

India; or, Facts to illustrate the character and condition of the …, Volume 1
 By Robert Rickards

Essays on Indian antiquities, historic, numismatic, and …, Volume 2
 By James Prinsep, Edward Thomas, Henry Thoby Prinsep

Researches Into the Physical History of Mankind: History of the Asiatic …
 By James Cowles Prichard

the sessional papers

A descriptive and historical account of the Godavery District in the …
 By Henry Morris

The history of India: from the earliest period to the close of …, Volume 1

Penny cyclopaedia of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful …, Volumes 11-12

Researches into the origin and affinity of the principal languages of Asia …
 By Vans Kennedy

HISTORY OF TELANGAANA TILL PRESENT INCLUDING PRESENT AND PAST MOVEMENTS

The earlier name was andhraka or andhra or andhra desa which was named after king andhraka from the historical times . This existed during the period of mahabharatha.

The earlier ruled kings of this region were satavaahanas after the reign of vikramaarkaa .
They ruled from deccan , parts of eastern maharashtra and northern andhra pradesh.
They ruled from kotilingaala of medak karimnagar districts .

After wards rajputs called badami chalukyas ruled this area of andhra pradesh . In the coastal region the region was ruled by telugu cholas and in south wards ruled by the tamil cholas etc.

after the badaami chalukyas , the golden period of telugu history began with the arrival of the kakatiyas .they ruled from warangal . During the reign of ganapati deva , all the telugu speaking lands were united under his throne . The language flourished during the kakatiyas .
After the fall of pratapa rudra by the tughlaq prince , ullugh khan , the country was thrown in to chaos and anarchy . The tughlaq prince over ran whole of south india and the country was ruled by petty kings and cheiftains and samantha raajas.

After the fall of tughlaqs the northern dravidian region ie, the regions of karnataka and AP were ruled by the nobles appointed by the tughlaqs earlier who declared themselves the rulers. The bahamanis , kondaveeti reddy kings , velama kings and other kings ruled the region. later they fell and the region was under the turkish men called qutub shahis .
There was vijayanagara empire at humpi which became strong in the south . This was golden period of telugu and perhaps kannada literature too.

After fall of qutub shahis and vijayanagara kingdoms , the region went under the mughals through the local residents , the subedar of the deccan . He used to rule the whole of the peninsula , later with after fall of mughals , nizam declared independence and ruled from hyderabad .
With the coming of french and british , the nizam weakened and gave away regions regularly to them to keep his throne intact.

This way the northern circars were given to british and later too ceded few districts to the british.

He was the only king though nominal , had his own administration , taxation , law and army and his own currency.

Under his rule the present so called telangaana districts (9 of them) along with kannada marati speaking districs suffered a lot both socially, culturally etc.while the british ruled regions were comaparitively more previliged , didint suffer much oppression though they were under foreign rule .

i give few excerpts of how the conditions then prevailed

RELIGIOUS RESTRICTIONS BACK THEN

Marathwada under the Nizams, 1724-1948 By P. V. Kate

AN EYE WITNESS THEN

The Oriental herald and colonial review [ed. by J.S. Buckingham].
 edited by James Silk Buckingham

http://books.google.co.in/books?id=ZKsEAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA7&dq=Hyderabad+State&as_brr=1&cd=9#v=snippet&q=Hyderabad%20&f=false

http://books.google.co.in/books?id=5AEbAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA7&dq=Hyderabad+State&as_brr=1&cd=3#v=onepage&q=Hyderabad%20State&f=false

Economic history of Hyderabad State: Warangal Suba, 1911-1950
 By V. Ramakrishna Reddy
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=f0mh6W7ejL4C&pg=PA65&dq=first+general+elections+held+in+Hyderabad+State+in+1952&as_brr=3&cd=5#v=onepage&q=first%20general%20elections%20held%20in%20Hyderabad%20State%20in%201952&f=false

HISTORICAL SKETCH

India, an historical sketch
 By Geo Trevor
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=f3ABAAAAQAAJ&pg=PR6&dq=Hyderabad+State&lr=&as_brr=1&cd=133#v=onepage&q=Hyderabad%20State&f=false

Modern Hyderabad (Deccan)
http://www.archive.org/stream/modernhyderabadd00lawj/modernhyderabadd00lawj_djvu.txt

Hyderabad State
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=zXBB1nZYoLIC&pg=PA160&dq=nilagiri+nalgonda&as_brr=3&cd=2#v=onepage&q&f=false
Calcutta monthly journal and general register …
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=yBUYAAAAYAAJ&pg=RA2-PA256&dq=Hyderabad+State&lr=&as_brr=1&cd=235#v=onepage&q=Hyderabad%20%20&f=false

A geographical, statistical, and historical description of Hindostan and the …
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=YVIOAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA141&dq=Hyderabad+State&lr=&as_brr=1&cd=79#v=snippet&q=Hyderabad%20&f=false

Ramaseeana: or, A vocabulary of the peculiar language used by the thugs
 By Sir William Henry Sleeman
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=d3YPAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA95&dq=telingana&lr=&as_brr=3&cd=46#v=snippet&q=hyderabad&f=false

Our faithful ally, the Nizam: being an historical sketch of events, showing …
 By Hastings Fraser
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=58IBAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA347&dq=Nizam%27s+telingana+districts&lr=&as_brr=3&cd=3#v=onepage&q&f=false
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=58IBAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA347&dq=Nizam%27s+telingana+districts&lr=&as_brr=3&cd=3#v=onepage&q&f=false

A collection of treaties, engagements, and sunnuds, relating to …, Volume 5
 By India. Foreign and Political Dept
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=XQEMAAAAYAAJ&dq=Sunnuds&printsec=frontcover&source=bl&ots=sP3Z7kNXud&sig=mpjuDkpXKNM4HHDqqZg0rAnglQA&hl=en&ei=c4dJS8S_LIri7AOM_cjXCw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=5&ved=0CBMQ6AEwBA#v=onepage&q&f=false
Nizam-British relations, 1724-1857
 By Sarojini Regani
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=9Fb26pWqhScC&pg=PA134&lpg=PA134&dq=nizam%27s+firman&source=bl&ots=9T5SWegaSF&sig=bVRZZ6yNPJ7q3UmPoY-YJp9dicg&hl=en&ei=wotJS4elE4Hg7AO8ybDXCw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=10&ved=0CB8Q6AEwCQ#v=onepage&q=nizam%27s%20firman&f=false

The Indian princes and their states, Volume 3
 By Barbara N. Ramusack
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=ohnfWmSgFkAC&pg=PA237&lpg=PA237&dq=Communalism+and+Indian+princely+states+:+Travancore,+Baroda+and+Hyderabad+in+the+1930s+/+Dick+Kooiman&source=bl&ots=TSuajxJM1z&sig=0CRhhex3-ANYIhvErwi32BhiH6U&hl=en&ei=N7xJS_axBo7g7APg-YDYCw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=6&ved=0CBkQ6AEwBTgU#v=onepage&q=Communalism%20and%20Indian%20princely%20states%20%3A%20Travancore%2C%20Baroda%20and%20Hyderabad%20in%20the%201930s%20%2F%20Dick%20Kooiman&f=false
India’s princely states: people, princes and colonialism
 By Waltraud Ernst, Biswamoy Pati
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=B_wvm3W018wC&pg=PT27&lpg=PT27&dq=Communalism+and+Indian+princely+states+:+Travancore,+Baroda+and+Hyderabad+in+the+1930s+/+Dick+Kooiman&source=bl&ots=twfExhzH-w&sig=5FvdPEl2-56oCbdOCDvLBifyw9c&hl=en&ei=hLpJS-TOIILs7AOE2qDXCw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=2&ved=0CAkQ6AEwATgK#v=onepage&q=Communalism%20and%20Indian%20princely%20states%20%3A%20Travancore%2C%20Baroda%20and%20Hyderabad%20in%20the%201930s%20%2F%20Dick%20Kooiman&f=false

Sketch of the political history of India from the introduction of Mr. Pitt’s …
 By Sir John Malcolm
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=QlfRAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA284&dq=Hyderabad+State&lr=&as_brr=1&cd=105#v=snippet&q=Hyderabad%20%20&f=false

The Kaleidoscope: or, Literary and scientific mirror, Volume 4
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=pjEFAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA283&dq=Hyderabad+State&lr=&as_brr=1&cd=92#v=onepage&q=Hyderabad%20&f=false

Catalogue of additions to the manuscripts in the British Museum in the years …
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=EQAVAAAAQAAJ&pg=RA1-PA74&dq=Hyderabad+State&lr=&as_brr=1&cd=172#v=onepage&q=Hyderabad%20%20&f=false

Thirty years in India: or, A soldier’s reminiscences of native and …, Volume 2
 By Henry Bevan
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=CBy2AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA73&dq=Hyderabad+State&lr=&as_brr=1&cd=156#v=onepage&q=Hyderabad%20%20&f=false

Historical sketches of the south of India, in an attempt to trace the …
 By Mark Wilks
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=dLURAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA325&dq=Hyderabad+State&lr=&as_brr=1&cd=149#v=onepage&q=Hyderabad%20%20&f=false

Provincial series: Hyderabaad State (1909)
http://www.archive.org/details/provincialseries00mirzuoft

Historical sketches of the south of India, in an attempt to trace the …
 By Mark Wilks
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=dLURAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA325&dq=Hyderabad+%28India+:+State%29&lr=&as_brr=1&cd=98#v=onepage&q=Hyderabad%20%28India%20%3A%20State%29&f=false

The political history of India, from 1784 to 1823, Volume 1
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=w1wIAAAAQAAJ&pg=PR97&dq=Hyderabad+State&lr=&as_brr=1&cd=19#v=snippet&q=Hyderabad%20&f=false

The India list and India Office list
 By Great Britain. India Office
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=3VQTAAAAYAAJ&pg=RA2-PA573&dq=Hyderabad+State&as_brr=1&cd=8#v=snippet&q=Hyderabad%20%20&f=false

vidyanidhi archiving and accessing of doctoral theses ( mysore university articles )

conditions in telangana and role of communists
http://dspace.vidyanidhi.org.in:8080/dspace/bitstream/2009/1249/4/319-2003-UOH-3.pdf
the reole of press
http://dspace.vidyanidhi.org.in:8080/dspace/bitstream/2009/1249/7/319-2003-UOH-6.pdf
social and political trends
http://dspace.vidyanidhi.org.in:8080/dspace/bitstream/2009/1245/4/317-1997-UOH-3.pdf
the rise of razakars
http://dspace.vidyanidhi.org.in:8080/dspace/bitstream/2009/1249/5/319-2003-UOH-4.pdf
communist rebellion
http://dspace.vidyanidhi.org.in:8080/dspace/bitstream/2009/5628/7/JNU-1991-086-6.pdf

Telangana
http://dspace.vidyanidhi.org.in:8080/dspace/simple-search?query=Telangana

Decline of a Patrimonial Regime: The Telengana Rebellion in India, 1946-51
http://www.scribd.com/doc/15377979/Decline-of-a-Patrimonial-Regime-The-Telengana-Rebellion-in-India-194651?autodown=txt
http://en.eyeplorer.com/show/me/Telangana+Rebellion

http://www.jstor.org/pss/4405836

CONT…….

Its well known that after the POLICE ACTION the region of hyderabad state was officially liberated from the crutches of tyranny.

Thus entering a new world of freedom though the both of them lived under different rulers.

Here were some differences between the people of the both regions.
The telangaana ( which was now only of 9 districts , because of giving away of the northern circar districts and ceded few districts later of the EARLIER TELANGAANA to british.) region was under the feudal lords and jagirdars and were severely oppressed, didnt enjoy much freedom, education , the liberty of practicing their religion ,culture etc.

incontrast to this the region under the british enjoyed much freedom and liberality . No restrictions of relgion , culturally or education wise , though they were subordinate to the british. Land reforms social reforms gained momentum with the encouragement of british . Few irrigation projects constructed and agriculture was stabilized . Where as in nizams regions there were no socio- culutural reforms, the people lived as downrated citizens and were always under pressure from the government. Religious discrimination prevailed. Education was only to nobles and later for everyone , but much later when compared to the british regions . Taxation was high . Urdu was imposed as state language and people forced to study only in urdu.
Religious conversions were encouraged . Such were the severity of the conditions.
Under this rule the concept of communism struck chord and so the independence struggle was led by the communist party where as in rest of india it was the indian national congress.

After india achieved its independence , nizam started and encouraged the razakars under then MIM party ( not the present one ) , and this led to loot killings riots arson rape murders of many people in the telangaana region especially. The telugus revolted fittingly through the communist and andhra manha sabha party , which ultimately led to the POLICE ACTION.

After independence, there was struggle for saperate andhraa or telugu speaking state from the madras state. Also the communists and andhra maha sabha leaders were willing for it for the unification of the vishalaandhra for common good.
During this time the communists were main opposition to the INC . Nehru initially didnt agree and later did so after potti sreeramulu s death .
1st SRC was imposed and the fazal ali commision gave its opinions that there are so and so problems and so and so are the solutions .
To say the truth i didnt see any one single suggestions in that , he gave pros and cons , and what to do for the best results.
Then there were some yes and no s from hyderabad state and finally the assembly of hyderabad state voted for merging into vishalaandhra.
There was gentle mans agreement and so on for the common good . There were 6 point formulae and so on. All this was in the interest of good for both .

This went on . But after independence the mood of the people and leaders and parties changed . Everyone fought for themselves and overran the rules and guidelines , not only in this point but in every matter of public interest.

There were many people migrating to the 9 districts of telangaana for finding a better life there . Up till here there was no problem but then there became lot of corruption by pumping in officers from non local region to the telangaana districts as here there were very few qualified for the job posts , as earlier they were under nizams rule . In this way the corruption went on and on until there was widespread dissentment amongst the local people . This was understandable , and was clearly a consequence of the corruption. And not the region solely.

After few years there were dharnas and movements regarding this and some politicians who were wicked enough got the situation in to their hands . They made total benefit out of it by the expense of many innocent lives , just as fanatic politicians of present day.

After few years there was some agreements ( mostly for themselves privately) and the scene calmed down but this time the tempers flared up at andhra region ( british ruled areas) by some wicked politicians it self.

Later this thing cooled and there were some promises to papers only and dthe corruption went on as usual both at top brass and lower levels of all the regions of AP. This went on and on. Meanwhile the education had improved almost in all the districts of AP, middle class rose . This time also again to reap benefit out of the issue , TRS party rose up by some leaders who spoke entirely oppositely earlier.

This enjoyed some sopport only and the situation came in 2004 for congress party to fight the elections with TDP by joining hands with TRS .

TRS leaders and other parties leaders had said illogical and what ever comments on either sides of the regions.
Afterwards every thing is known to every one , i suppose.

I give few excerpts here.

THE POWER GAMES AND REGIONAL MOVEMENTS

the movement of 1969 telangaana is well known .just for recollections i give you few articles here.

Detailed account of the “Jai Telangana Movement of 1969″…..researched and arranged event wise
http://www.myteluguroots.com/chapter_17.html

The Demand for a Separate Telengana State in India, by Hugh Gray © 1971 University of California Press.

http://www.jstor.org/pss/2642982?cookieSet=1

The integration of the princely state of Hyderabad and the making of the postcolonial state in India, 1948–56
Taylor C. Sherman
http://ier.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/44/4/489.pdf

INDIAN UNREST
By
VALENTINE CHIROL

http://wiki.phalkefactory.net/images/8/8d/Indian_Unrest.pdf

History of Indian Literature: 1911-1956, struggle for freedom : triumph and …
 By Sisir Kumar Das

http://books.google.co.in/books?id=sqBjpV9OzcsC&pg=PA597&dq=golconda+patrika&as_brr=3&cd=5#v=onepage&q=nilagiri&f=false

FEW OTHER ARTICLES …………

http://www.telangana.org/Papers.asp

http://ridingtheelephant.wordpress.com/2009/12/18/hyderabad-sinks-from-software-to-scams-as-greed-and-wealth-swamp-politics/

http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl1712/17120730.htm

http://narendralutherarchives.blogspot.com/

http://news.loksatta.org/2009/12/nineteenth-century-politics-over.html

Regionalism
http://countrystudies.us/india/75.htm

The politicians ideas of this movement and their likely motives

the present agitation of telangaana from all the above things and the present scenario in the state appears to be for their personal motives than that for the good of the state.

An article from newyork times says this way…………

once the 1969 bloody movement has put some dark marks on the hearts of people of either regions , i feel that similar kind of thing should not happen now. So thats why i submit this letter to you.

MY IMAGINATION IF TELANGAANA STATE IS REALITY

if telangaana were to be saperated , the fate of the settlers who have come here would be in doubt.
There would not be any problem as such immediately like riots etc but the bad temper which is created by the politicians will become true( i mean that what the politicians here saying that andhra seema people all are cheats , rougues etc) . This will be generalized to all for the actions of few crooked ones.

Moreover false pride develops in the people of this region over others . This may lead to discrimination openly in various fields like untouchability.
In such case there will be even more hatred developing with in the minds of people and this may lead to rioting etc just as we see communal clashes now.

There might even be back lash in the opposite region of andhra where the telangana people be similarly treated. More over there is very chance of politicians raising riots immediately after the STATE OF TELANGAANA IS GIVEN .

MOREOVER THIS IF UNTREATED AS THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA IN THE PAST HAD DONE MANY TIMES FROM INDEPENDENCE, THEN THIS PROBLEM WOULD BE CONTINUALLY PESTER THE MINDS OF PEOPLE AND POLITICIANS ARE SURE TO USE THIS FOR THEIR CRIMINAL AND SELFISH NEEDS.

SO SOLVING THIS IS VERY MUCH IMPORTANT AND NECESSARY.

METHOD TO SOLVE THIS —– FEW SUGGESTIONS ………………..

SINCE THIS PROBLEM AROSE FROM POLITICIANS THIS SHOULD END WITH THEM . I WILL TELL A WAY TO DO THIS .

THE BASIS OF THE PROBLEM IS INEQUAL DEVELOPMENT AND UNDER DEVELOPMENT COMBINED WITH CORRUPTION AND NON IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PACTS AND TREATIES.
THE SITUATION IS SUCH THAT , THE PROBLEM OF UNDER DEVELOPMENT AND INEQUAL DEVELOPMENT AND CORRUPTION AROSE FROM POLITICIANS AND THEY THEMSELVES ROSE THE ISSUE OF SAPERATISM BASED ON THE FORMER MENTIONED PROBLEMS. IT IS SIMILAR TO TWO THEIVES BLAMING EACH OTHER FOR SOME THING , WHEN THE THEIVES THEMSELVES ARE THE THEIVES………..

SO….

TAKE OUT ALL THE ISSUES WHAT THEY RAISE AS THEIR DEMANDS AND FIND OUT WHATS THE FAULT ,

IT WOULD BE CERTAINLY THAT THE STATE GOV. LEADERS OF VARIOUS TIMES WOULD BE RESPONSIBLE FOR NEGLECTING THE AREA AND AT THE SAME TIME THE LOCAL AND THE AREA LEADERS WHO WERE RECKLESS ABOUT THIS ISSUES AND MORE OVER SUPERIMPOSED WITH CORRUPTION AT ALL THE STAGES OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE REGION.
THIS SHOULD BE HIGHLIGHTED IN THE REPORT AS I FEEL THAT THIS THING SHOULD BE KNOWN TO THE COMMON PEOPLE OF THE REGION AND ALL INDIA ALSO FOR FUTURE REFERENCES.

ONE MORE THING IS JOBS ……..THE JOBS ISSUE HAD BEEN IN THE CENTRE FOR LONG AS THE LEADERS EITHER WHOLE STATE OR REGIONAL WERE MORE INTERESTED TO TAKE BRIBES AND GIVE POSTINGS RATHER THAN HELPING THE RECRUITMENT TO TAKE PLACE ON ITS OWN.
MORE OVER THE OFFICIALS TOO WENT ILLEGAL MANNER FAVOURING THEIR KNOWN ONES ETC.THESE CORRUPT OFFICIALS EVEN WENT TO BRIBE THE LEADERS AND SO ON , AS THE LEADERS ALSO WERE OF THE SAME MOOD RATHER THAN DEVELOPING THE REGIONS .

LASTLY THE RIVER WATER SHARING DISPUTES .

HERE ALSO THE LEADERS ARE TO BE BLAMED AS IT IS THEY WHO SHOULD RAISE THIS ISSUES IN THE LAW MANKING BODIES AND SEE THAT THEY ARE COMPLETED WITH IN STIPULATED TIME .
BUT THIS HAS NOT BEEN DONE ….THE REASON ……ONCE AGAIN THE STATE LEADERS AS WELL AS LOCAL LEADERS WHO WERE BUSY WITH SOME OTHER THINGS THAN THAT OF THE ISSUE OF THE COMMUNITY. STATE LEADERS WERE RECKLESS AND LOCAL LEADERS NOT BOTHERED AT ALL ON THE ISSUES.

MORE OVER , THE ALLEGATION THAT ANDHRA LEADERS WERE MORE INTERESTED IN DEVELOPING THEIR OWN REGIONS BY HELPING CONSTRUCT DAMS FOR THE FAVOUR OF THEIR OWN REGION IS BASELESS AS THE THEIF IS INTERESTED IN STEALING THAN FROM WHO THE PERSON IS…….HERE I FEEL DUE TO VARIOUS REASONS THE ANDHRA REGION WENT LUCKY IN receiving THE WATER WHEN COMPARED TO THE TELANGAANA REGION.

MAIN THING IS LEFT AND RIGHT CANAL ISSUE .

MAJOR ONE IS THE MAL CALCULATIONS OF THE RIVER WATERS AVAILABLE BY BACHVAT TRIBUNAL , I GIVE FEW ARTICLES ABOUT THIS……..

Sustainable Development of Water Resources: Performance Appraisal of Dams By V P Jauhari

http://books.google.co.in/books?id=qYpZcuqMsOgC&pg=PA24&dq=Lower+Krishna+Project+Nandikonda+site+of+the+erstwhile+Hyderabad.+State&cd=3#v=onepage&q=&f=false

Flood frequency on the Krishna River, India

http://74.125.153.132/search?q=cache:HNWAmp5ytVcJ:iahs.info/redbooks/a084/084053.pdf+Nagarjuna+Sagar+dam+Lt.+canal&cd=18&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=in

MAPPING OF SALT-AFFECTED AND WATERLOGGED AREAS IN PART OF NAGARJUNA SAGAR PROJECT (NSP), PRAKASAMDISTRICT, ANDHRA PRADESH (ANGRAU/ NRSA)

http://74.125.153.132/search?q=cache:uK03gPSEkiwJ:www2.alterra.wur.nl/Internet/webdocs/ilri-publicaties/project_reports/India_IDNP/Prep2/prep2-h4.pdf+Nagarjuna+Sagar+dam+Lt.+canal&cd=20&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=in

INDIRA SAGAR (POLAVARAM) PROJECT

http://www.sakti.in/godavaribasin/indirasagar.htm

nagarjunasagar telangana dispute

http://books.google.com/books?id=24VkH5cdFIUC&pg=PA35&dq=nagarjunasagar+telangana+dispute&hl=en&ei=DfC-S_CWDIW7rAe2nIj_DA&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=3&ved=0CEYQ6AEwAg#v=onepage&q&f=false

Committees and Commissions in India, 1947-73: 1971-73 By Virendra Kumar
http://books.google.com/books?id=mISVwxcF5asC&pg=PA184&dq=nagarjunasagar+dispute&hl=en&ei=m-q-S4f8AcywrAeVit21CQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=6&ved=0CFMQ6AEwBQ#v=onepage&q=nagarjunasagar%20dispute&f=false

Mismatch between Supplies and Demands of Canal Water in a Major Distributary Command Area of the Nagarjunasagar Left Canal
http://www.indianjournals.com/ijor.aspx?target=ijor:joae&volume=43&issue=3&article=010

KRISHNA WATER DISPUTES TRIBUNAL

http://www.irrigation.ap.gov.in/volume2.pdf

AND MORE OVER OVER THE SPAN OF 60 YEARS THERE HAVE BEEN MANY DAMS CONSTRUCTED ON THE UPPER KRISHNA RIVER . SO DECREASING THE FLOW TO DOWN STREAM .

ONE MORE THING I FEEL IS THE DESIGN OF THE LEFT CANAL OF NAGARJUNA SAGAR . I FEEL THIS HAD BEEN A FAILURE IN THE DESIGN OF THE CANAL AS A RESULT , THE CANAL IS NOT receiving ENOUGH WATERS AS ESTIMATED.

ONCE AGAIN THIS HAS TO BE INVESTIGATED BY FEW EMINENT CIVIL ENGINEERS AND SCIENTISTS , IF POSSIBLE FROM EUROPEAN COUNTRIES AS THESE PEOPLE WOULD BE THIRD PERSONS IN THIS ISSUE AND THE REVIEW WILL GO MORE PROFESSIONALLY.

THE REPORTS THEN BE MADE PUBLIC AND ALSO BE CHALLANGED BY ANY ONE WHO QUESTION THE REVIEWS.
THEN TAKE A FINAL CORRECT DESIGN FOR THE REPAIR AND SOLVING THIS CANAL PROBLEMS.

GODAVARI WATERS SIMILARLY BE INVESTIGATED AND GOOD ACTION BE TAKEN.

NOW ALSO PLAN A NEW SET OF RULES AND REGULATIONS BE PROPOSED BY EMINENT ONES AND THIS TIME THE SET OF TERMS BE PRACTICABLE . AND QUESTIONABLE AND TRANSPARENT.

AND FINALLY ALSO THE CITIZENS OF BOTH THE REGIONS AND AS WELL AS WHOLE INDIA BE WARNED IN MINDING THE WHOM SO EVER STATEMENTS AND GIVE ATTENTION TO THE ISSUES OF THE PUBLIC CONCERN AND BEHAVE MORALLY AND SENSIBLY , AS IT IS THEY WHO ARE GOING TO ENJOY THE FRUITS OF GOOD OR BAD OF GOVERNMENTS ACTIONS.
ALSO WARN THEM IN ELECTING GOOD PEOPLE TO LEGISLATIVE BODIES FREE OF ANY BIAS ……………………………………………..

sir, here i finsh my report .
I am sorry if iam harsh in using my statements anywhere in the report as this is my feeling towards this issue.

I HOPE THAT JUSTICE SRIKRISHNA COMMITTEE WILL UP TO THE EXPECTATIONS COMMON PEOPLE AND GIVE A STUNNING AND TRUE , UNBIASSED REPORT ON THIS ISSUE WHICH LEAD TO THE SOLVING OF THIS PROBLEM AND IN FUTURE MAY STAND AS REFERENCE FOR ANY SIMILAR CASE LIKE THIS .

JAI HIND ……………

RAMAKANTH REDDY K

మార్చి 3, 2010

మన తెలంగానాంధ్ర లొల్లి హాలీవుడ్ ని కుడా తాకినట్టుంది…….ఇక్కడ చూడండి

మన వాళ్ళ లొల్లి కాస్త ఎక్కువైనట్టుంది ,మారీ ఈ మధ్య హాలీవుడ్ లోను ఇదే కాకిగోల .

మన వాళ్ళు అంటే మాములు వాళ్ళు కాదులే , ‘మన’ నాయకులు అదే ఇంకెవరు ”కెసిఆర్” మరియు ”లగడపాటి” లు ఇద్దరు .

చెప్పడమెందుకు గాని చూసి నవ్వుకోండి ……..

చూసి నవ్వుకునే టట్టు ఉండే ఈ వీడియోలు చేసిన వాళ్ళ ”సృజనాత్మకతను” మెచ్చు కోలేకుండా ఉన్నాను.

ఈ కాసింత creativity మన సినిమా వాళ్లకు ఉంటె ఎంతో బాగుందనిపిస్తుంది…..అదే అవే పాత కథలు పాత డైలాగ్ లు , పిచ్చి జోకులు చూడలేకుండా ఉన్నాము .
వీళ్ళు మన ప్రస్తుత సిని industry కి చాలా అవసరం.

అటులనే వీటి కింద ఇంకొక రెండు వీడియో లు ఉన్నాయి . ఇవి ఒక channel లో వచ్చినవి . youtube లో చూశాను . మీరు కూడా నవ్వుకుంటారని ఇక్కడ ఉంచుతున్నాను.

ఎంజాయ్ ……………

**********ఇది ప్రాంతాలను ఉద్దేశించినది కాదు ……ఇది మన నాయకులను చూసి కాసేపు నవ్వుకుందామని అందరితో పంచుకుంటున్నాను అంతే …………………………….

రమాకాంతుడు

HERE IT IS LAGADAPAATI ……..IN & AS HITLER’S ……….SAMAIKYANDHRA ….

HERE IT IS KCR IN & AS HITLER’S ……………..TELANGANA………

HERE KCR IS SINGING AND DANCING FOR ……………… TELANGANA………..JAI HIND TV..

ENJOY……….

ఫిబ్రవరి 26, 2010

Detailed account of the “Jai Telangana Movement of 1969″…..researched and arranged event wise

Detailed account of the Jai Telangana Movement of 1969…..researched account by Nallamotu Chakravarthy

This account is the detailed and event wise arrangement of the movement back then.

IT IS TO REMIND TO THE VIEWERS THAT THIS ACCOUNT OF INFORMATION IS NOT AGAINST OR TOWARDS ” TELANGANA/ COASTAL ANDHRA OR RAYALASEEMA”.

IN THIS ACCOUNT, IT MIGHT APPEAR THAT THE LEADERS OF ONE OR OTHER REGIONS TO BE CHAUVINISTIC OR FANATIC AND INCITING VIOLENCE AGAINST OTHERS. BUT IT IS NOT TO BE FORGOTTEN THAT ALL MOST ALL THE POLITICIANS( EXCEPTING A FEW ) FROM ANY PART OF THE COUNTRY ARE IN ONE WAY OR THE OTHER OF THE SAME GENRE.
SO IT WOULD BE POINTLESS TO ARGUE THIS IN THE DISCUSSIONS. IN OUR CONTEXT, ITS EITHER ANDHRA OR TELANGANA POLITICIANS WHO TOOK DIFFERENT POLES FOR EXPLOITING THE SITUATION IN FAVOUR OF THEMSELVES. SO IT WOULD BE BASELESS TO DISCUSS POLITICIANS OF WHICH AREAS DID WRONG OR CRITICIZING THEM.
I SAY THIS SO THAT IN THE DISCUSSIONS WE DONT FIND ANY LAME COMMENTS LIKE ” ANDHRA DOPIDIDARULU OR TELANGANA MOSAGALLU DID THIS THING ” REGARDING THE POLITICIANS.

IN THE PRESENT SITUATION IN OUR STATE IT BECOMES NECESSARY THAT WE KNOW THE CORRECT DETAILS OF WHAT HAPPENED BACK THEN. I MYSELF SEARCHED A LOT OVER THE INTERNET BUT COULD GATHER ONLY LIMITED INFORMATION. BUT OUT OF THE SNOWS I FOUND THIS INFORMATION IN Mr. NALLAMOTU CHAKRAVARTHY’ S WEBSITE .
I FOUND IT USEFUL SO THOUGHT OF PUTTING THIS IN MY BLOG .
SO THIS PRESENT TEXT IS TAKEN FROM HIS WEBSITE.

THE LINK TO HIS WEBSITE IS GIVEN BELOW.

THANKS TO Mr. NALLAMOTU CHAKRAVARTHY FOR ALL THE PAINS IN RESEARCH AND GATHERING THE INFORMATION WHICH IS THE NEED OF THE HOUR.
SPECIAL CONGRATULATIONS FOR BRINGING OUT THE BOOK ” MY TELUGU ROOTS – NALLAMOTU CHAKRAVARTHY ” . ( the link provided below ). I request you to make this book available in India aswell and also if possible Telugu translation of the book.

      1. Jai Telangana Movement of 1969
    • POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC CONDITIONS BACK THEN

    After Nehru’s death, Smt. Indira Gandhi, in her father’s footsteps, became a staunch champion of socialism. Mrs. Gandhi’s socialist economics were pushing the country deeper and deeper into poverty. Politicians were clueless about why the economy was floundering despite their best intentions. Nizam Telangana economy suffered along with the rest of the country. Poverty in the region created an ideal environment to incite people against each other. 

    Ever since the formation of the Andhra Pradesh state, there have been occasional rumblings of dissatisfaction by the disgruntled Nizam Telangana leaders who failed in their demand for a separate state in 1956. The Nizam Telangana leaders had two main grievances: the first one related to employment in government services, and the second one involved using the balance of funds from the Telangana region.

      JOBS, WATER & FUNDS

    According to the gentle men’s agreement, jobs in the Telangana region were reserved for locals. Ironically, Nizam Telangana leaders violated this agreement in certain instances, and often for good reasons. For example, when teachers were not available in the Nizam Telangana region, they were hired from other regions. The local Telangana leaders running the zilla parishads made these hiring decisions. There were violations in other government departments, and these violations happened in all ministries, including under the very eyes of the Nizam Telangana ministers

    According to the then Deputy Chief Minister J. V. Narasinga Rao, hailing from Nizam Telangana, there were 107,000 non-gazetted employees in the Nizam Telangana region in 1969. Out of these, about 4.5% were nonmulkis 1,600 were teachers, 1,800 were nurses, 400 were stenographers, and the remaining few came from other departments.

    The second major issue was the balance of funds. In Circar districts, alcohol was banned; as a result, there was no excise revenue. That was not the case in Nizam Telangana districts, which generated significant excise revenue on alcohol sales. Consequently, the government received more revenues from the Nizam Telangana region than from the rest of the state. The gentle men’s agreement stipulated that the excess revenue should be invested in the Nizam Telangana region for economic stimulation. The government failed to fulfill this clause effectively. All party Telangana legislatures determined the balance of funds to be 33 crores. Undoubtedly, a significant sum in those days, but it was accrued over 15 years. The state government agreed to resolve the issue of balance of funds. Based on all party legislatures’ demands, the government planned to spend 33 crores in the early part of the fourth five-year plan.

    With that background, let us now delve into the bloody fight for the separate Telangana state that was fought for less than 5,000 non-mulki jobs. In other words, the issue affected a minuscule 0.033% of the approximately 1.5 crore people living in the Nizam Telangana region.

      BIRTH OF MOVEMENTS AND PLAYERS

    There were two major people movements between 1968 and 1973— the first one was Jai Telangana, and Jai Andhra followed it. With these movements, Telugu politicians reached the lowest depths of opportunism and demagoguery. This must be one of the darkest chapters of our modern Telugu history.

    There were three main players in this tragic story. Dr. Marri Chenna Reddy, a prominent leader at the time of state formation. In 1956, he was an integrationist who supported Vishalandhra. However, when he realized that Nehru was against an integrated state, Chenna Reddy quickly changed colors and became a separatist and a proponent of a Telangana state. Chenna Reddy later advocated a bilingual state of Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. His changing position on the separate state issue is ample evidence of his opportunism and lack of conviction. After the formation of the state of Andhra Pradesh, Dr. Chenna Reddy went on to become the central minister of steel in the Congress government.

    In 1968, the High Court nullified Chenna Reddy’s election, and the Supreme Court upheld the decision. He was found guilty of using religion as a platform for his election campaigning. As a result, Chenna Reddy was forced out of power, and he had to stay out of public office for six years. Chenna Reddy made the Telangana movement his fulltime job, puppeteering the student movement for a separate state from behind the scenes. Once the movement caught on people’s imagination, he burst onto the separatist movement scene as its leader.

    The second important player was the Deputy Chief Minister B. V. Subba Reddy, a staunch integrationist who later went on to lead the bloody Jai Andhra movement. As deputy chief minister, he, along with Chief Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao, took out full-page newspaper advertisements promoting peace and urging people to stay calm during the Telangana movement. His position changed when the Jai Andhra movement took off. He became the fiery leader representing Kosta, and he was blamed for large-scale violence occurring in the region.

    The last player in the tragic saga of separate state movement was Smt. Indira Gandhi. Unlike Chenna Reddy and Subba Reddy, Smt. Gandhi is the unintentional hero of our story. She ( though not out of trying to the real cause, but…) single-handedly saved Telugus from disintegrating. She understood the legacy of Telugu glory, though her ulterior motive was to preserve national integrity. If it were not for her iron will, our state and Telugu people would have been torn apart into pieces long ago. When it came to toughness, Indira Gandhi was unlike her father Nehru. She displayed an uncanny ability to understand the separatist leaders’ psychology. She adamantly refused to give in, even when leaders threatened her with violence in the region and made good on their words. She did not flinch when the Nizam Telangana and Kosta regions erupted like a volcano. In the end, she walked away with getting what she wanted and did not give up an inch of her territory. ( Telugus believing in the unity of our race owe her a great deal. If there had been any other leader at the helm during that time, today, the so-called integrated state of Andhra Pradesh would be confined to history books. )

    Let us now walk through the separate state movements occurring from 1968–1973.

    The gentlemen’s agreement coming into effect at the time of state formation had now been in effect for 15 years and was ending. As a result, the term of the Telangana Regional Council, overseeing development in the region, was also ending. The regional council created to oversee development in Nizam Telangana, failed in ensuring that excess revenue from Telangana would be spent locally. During the 15 years of its existence, the regional council, whose members were ministers, MPs, and MLAs from Nizam Telangana, never once objected to the government misspending.

    The Telangana legislative members of all parties woke up from their slumber in February 1968 and demanded that the balance of funds from Telangana be invested in the region. These members also demanded removal of the ban on alcohol sales in the Andhra region, which was ineffective anyway. In addition, they demanded extending the term of the Telangana Regional Council by another five years. Political parties and their leaders did not object to any of these reasonable demands. 

    The Telangana Regional Council and the state government estimated that about 33 crore rupees (difference between income and expenditure) in the Telangana balance of funds have accumulated since the state’s formation. Responding to the legislators’ demand, the state government agreed to spend the balance of funds in the early part of the fourth five-year plan.

    An insignificant event in 1969 acted as a trigger for a massive student uprising in Nizam Telangana. On January 8, 1969, a student named Ravindranath started an indefinite hunger strike in Khammam demanding protection for Telangana. It is unclear what motivated him, but this was mostly a localized protest. Five days into the strike, students in Khammam ransacked some government offices and burned the road transportation corporation (RTC) buses. Students in Warangal also organized protests in solidarity with their fellow students in Khammam. 

    On January 12, 1968, the Osmania University Student Union held an extraordinary meeting to assess the situation in the districts where students were protesting. The union expressed its profound dissatisfaction with the political leadership from the region and demanded the resignation of MLAs and nine cabinet ministers from the Telangana region. In addition, they laid out a set of demands:

    = Release the 70-crore balance of Telangana funds ( it is unclear how the 33 crores that even the Telangana Regional Council agreed as the balance of funds became 70 crores )
    = Create a separate five-year plan for Telangana including the balance of funds from the region
    = Complete the Pochampad Project on a priority basis (Pochampad is the current Sriram Sagar Project
    = Strictly implement Mulki rules
    = Extend special protections to Telangana by another 10 years
    = Give Telangana graduates local jobs and transfer non-locals immediately
    = Establish teacher training institutes in all the Telangana districts
    = Have the Andhra and Telangana regions bear expenses incurred on all the government buildings in the capital city in a 2:1 ratio.

    The students announced that, unless the government met these demands, they intended to go on an indefinite strike starting January 15, 1969. The student demands went up in number and size when compared to the original demands of the all-party Telangana leaders.

      START OF THE BUNDHS

    As announced, students across the twin cities boycotted classes on January 15. They headed to the Nizam College grounds for a meeting. Two groups emerged among the students: one group demanded protections for Telangana whereas another group demanded a separate state for Telangana. During the debate, the group demanding a separate Telangana state clearly had an upper hand. After the meeting was over, President of the Osmania University Students Association Mallikarjun led a student rally from the Nizam college grounds to the Abids Circle. Despite heavy police security, there were stray incidents of students throwing stones at city buses.

    Student Ravindranath who lit the Telangana forest fire in Khammam was still on fast, and his health continued to deteriorate. In solidarity, students intensified their protests. Kodada is a Nizam Telangana town on the Coastal Andhra border. Agitators stopped the buses going from Kodada to the Kosta districts, stranding 500 passengers. 

    As days passed, the student movement gradually turned violent. Two student groups, one demanding a separate state, another demanding special protection for the region, staged rallies in the city. Students blocked the gates of the Secretariat for 90 minutes. In Khammam, students resorted to throwing stones and damaged many Road Transportation Corporation (R.T.C.) buses. They also attacked the telephone and telegraph offices and destroyed the communication infrastructure. Because of the violence, the R.T.C halted bus services between the Telangana and Andhra regions.

    CM Sri Kasu Brahmananda Reddy urged people not to be misled by the separatist slogans. He said that, with the limited resources it has, the government was doing everything in its power to develop backward regions of the state. He reminded people that, out of 165 villages electrified in the state, 85 of them were in Mahaboob Nagar alone.

    The Employee Union leaders concerned with politicians dragging their issues into the controversy signed a statement requesting their members not to act in a way that hurts the cordial relations existing among employees. They also stated that in the Telangana protections debate, it was unfortunate that the issues of state employees came up. They stated that the employee union needed to address these things. The A.P. Non-Gazetted Officers (N.G.O.) Union President Sri A. Sriramulu, Telangana N.G.O. Union President Sri K. R. Amos, Secretariat Employees Association President Sri P. Satya Moorthi, and the Teachers Union President Sri Rama Brahmam and others signed this statement.

    During the early part of the separate state movement, government employees resented politicians and students using their issues. However, that changed quickly. Amos, a main signatory of the Employee Union resolution, who urged employees not to get involved in separate state politics, became a firebrand leader of the separate Telangana movement. 

    Student protests continued to rock the capital city. Both the student unions—one demanding a separate state and the other demanding protections for Telangana—marched on the city. Police tried to keep the path of these marches away from each other. Despite their best efforts, the marches crossed paths at the Abids center. In the ensuing clash, students attacked each other with sticks and stones. They threw stones at the R.T.C. buses passing by and at the street lights, and then resorted to throwing stones at the shop windows in the Abids center. Police lathi-charged and fired teargas while eight students and a few police officers were injured.

    Chief Minister Brahmananda Reddy started realizing that he needed to deal with the problem more aggressively. He called for a meeting of all the political parties to find a solution to the student movement. Forty-five members of all the major political parties operating in the state met and held a 10-hour marathon meeting. They reached an agreement that addressed the issues raised by the students. The agreement assured the people of strict enforcement of the gentlemen’s agreement. In addition to that, the agreement stated the following:

    Andhra employees in the jobs reserved for Telangana locals will be immediately removed and provided alternate employment in the Andhra region.
    Mulki rules will be extended by another year, and corporations, such as R.T.C. and the Electricity Board funded by the state government, will be brought under the purview of Mulki rules.
    An executive appointed by the auditor general of India will determine the extent of Telangana’s balance of funds.

    Given this agreement, which all the political parties accepted, the CM urged students to end their stir and help restore peace in the state. Student leader Mallikarjunn met with his organization’s members and announced that they would continue their agitation because they were dissatisfied with the all- party agreement. He said that the agreement did not address the injustices done to Telangana, as it merely repeated the gentlemen’s agreement. He protested the policy of giving access to educational facilities in Hyderabad to people of all the regions. He then raised frivolous issues such as the government not doing anything about grants to Osmania University.

    The Student Union, under Mallikarjun’s leadership, resolved to continue their agitation and boycott the classes. Mallikarjun urged all thestudents to come to the Nizam College grounds for a meeting on the following day at 11 a.m.

    The students’ stance exasperated CM Brahmananda Reddy, especially after he spent so much of his political capital to get all the political parties and public representatives to agree to a deal. He probably felt that it was time to get tough with the students. The government imposed a ban on all public meetings and processions in the twin cities for the next six days and instructed law enforcement officials to implement the ban strictly.

      FROM COLLEGES TO SCHOOLS

    Telangana fever at this point spread to primary and secondary schools in the region. For instance, students from Shamshabad’s primary and secondary schools, after completing the school prayer, boycotted their classes. They then headed to a local Umda Nagar railway station, threw stones at the station office, and damaged the windows. The school kids then proceeded to stop traffic. They did not allow the vehicles to move until 2 p.m. in the afternoon, causing a major traffic jam in the area. Police eventually decided to intervene to remove the blockade. Students welcomed them by pelting stones. Police retaliated by lathi-charging first, and then opened fire, injuring some students. All the students injured were between 11 and 16, while two students, aged 12 and 14, were admitted to the hospital in critical condition.

    As violence spread across the region, student union leaders met the CM. The never-ending list of demands the students put forth continued to grow. The new set of demands included raising the age limit for job applicants from the Nizam Telangana region from 25 to 27 and a demand for a post- graduate center at the Gandhi Medical College.

    The following day, the student union came up with one more demand. This time, the union leaders wanted to open new medical colleges in the Telangana region to match the numbers in the coastal districts. The CM, exasperated with the ever-growing list of demands and unabated violence, announced the closure of all educational institutions until January 27, 1969.

    In the interim, he did not waste any time implementing the all-party agreement, as he feared the student union would take advantage of the issue.

    On January 22, 1969, the state government issued a Government Order (G.O.) to remove all the non-Mulkis from their current positions and set a deadline of February 28, 1969. All the department heads were required to certify by March 7 that all non-Mulkis had been removed. The government threatened action against department heads who did not comply with the G.O. 

    On the state government’s request, the comptroller and the auditor general of India agreed to send a senior executive to determine the Telangana balance of funds. The state government also announced that it was extending Mulki rules to the Electricity Department, as the government funded it.

      MODERATES AND INTENSIVISTS OF THE MOVEMENT

    Student Ravindhranath of Khammam, the original source for the inferno spreading across the region, decided to end his 15-day fast based on the assurances the government and the opposition leaders gave. However, it was already too late for him to stop what he started. 

    Readers might recall that there were two student unions: one demanding protections for the Telangana region and another demanding a separate state. The student union demanding protections for the Telangana region met the CM. Brahmananda Reddy, not wanting to let the situation get completely out of hand, conceded to the students’ demand for increasing the age limit of the job applicants from Nizam Telangana to 27. With that assurance, this student group announced that they were ending their strike.

    However, Osmania University Student Union leader Mallikarjun announced that their strike would continue until a separate Telangana state was achieved. At this point, it was an open secret that politicians from behind the scenes were managing the student union leaders. 

    As the CM continued to concede to the Telangana students’ demands, students from Andhra and Venkateswara Universities were alarmed. Seeing the effectiveness of the pressure tactics of their peers in the Nizam Telangana region, they jumped into the fray, claiming that the government had failed to protect the properties and lives of the Andhra people living in the Nizam Telangana region and gave a call for a boycott until February 10, 1969.

      VIOLENCE , MORE VIOLENCE AND COUNTER VIOLENCE

    The following day, on January 25, 1969, violence erupted across the Andhra region. Students attacked a sub-inspector’s residence in Sadasivapeta. When police opened fire, several students were injured. They all were between 17 and 22. Two youngsters, 17 and 18, were critically injured.

    Violence at this point caught on like wildfire. People were attacking each other across the Andhra and Telangana regions, including Ellandhu, Karaypalli, Kothagudem, Bhadrachalam, Ashwaraopeta, Dhaamapeta, Nirmal, Bhimavaram, Manchiryala, Karimnagar, Medak, Suryapeta, and many more places.

    Student leader Mallikarjun was taken aback at the scale of violence. He probably did not realize the power of his vitriol to incite people to commit violent acts. A day after widespread violence across the state, Mallikarjun called off the students’ strike. While ending the strike, he expressed sadness at the protests organized by the Andhra and Venkateswara University students.

    However, Mallikarjun’s decision to end the strike was a little too late. The wildfire had been lit, and it was now unstoppable and had engulfed the entire state.

    In the Andhra region, agitators stopped trains in Bapatla, Bhimavaram, Undi, Aravalli, and Tanuku. In Nandigama, police opened fire when the mob turned violent. Eight hundred students attacked a police station near the Nagarjuna Sagar right canal, and police opened fire, killing one student. An eighth-grade student, Shankar, injured in the Sadasivapeta firing, succumbed to his injuries. Shocked by the levels of violence, all activist groups in Telangana called off their strikes.

    Despite it, violence continued unabated. In Warangal, an electric parts shop, two auto spares shops, a general store, and two hotels belonging to Kosta people were set on fire. In addition, a trader’s store was looted and another store of the same trader, hailing from Kosta, was burned down. Hooligans entered a low-income neighborhood, beat up two post-graduate students from Kosta, and threatened other residents from Kosta districts to leave. In Kothur, two houses were set on fire. In Karimabad, mobs looted a rice mill and burned a car and a lorry. In Nalgonda, Deputy Surveyor Sri Rangacharyulu, hailing from the Coastal Andhra region, was set on fire with petrol, and he died of his burn injuries. In Gajwel town, high school students processed to the Block Development officer’s house to warn him to leave the town, as he was a non-local. When students resorted to throwing stones, police opened fire, and a 12-year-old 7th grade student Narasimhulu died.

    Border towns on Andhra resorted to retaliation as well. From the Andhra border town of Nandigama, many lorries filled with people and weapons headed to attack the Telangana border town of Kodada. Police tried to stop the vehicles. When the lorries failed to stop, they opened fire, injuring two persons. However, a few lorries managed to get past the police barricade. God only knows what violent acts were committed as a free flow of news was not there.

    In another example of hatred gone amok, in Nalgonda, two men went to the house of L.D.C. Chandriah and asked him to come out. They poured kerosene on him and set him on fire. The miscreants thought that Chandriah was from Coastal Andhra. However, what they did not realize was that he was from the Telangana heartland, Warangal.

    Coastal Andhra people living in the Nizam Telangana region left the towns and villages and sought the safety of their native places. Student leader Mallikarjun announced the end of even the relay hunger strikes going on at the Osmania University campus and said that Andhra people have a right to live in Telangana and vice versa. People ignored all these calls. Their minds had already been poisoned.

    The living icon of the erstwhile separate Telangana movement, Konda Lakshman, in January 1969, while condemning hate speeches, chastised the leaders for grossly exaggerating a few stray events to incite people against other regions. He further assured people that he would strictly implement the all-party agreement. He announced that he was cancelling all his travel plans and urged concerned citizens to meet him personally.

    Because of unabated violence, Chief Minister Brahmananda Reddy called the army into the state. However, the Indian Army could not control the violence. He then requested Central Reserve Police Force (C.R.P.F.) reinforcements, and that turned out insufficient to quell the violence as well. He then called the police from the neighboring state of Mysore (Karnataka), and even that had limited success. Eventually, 40 days of non-stop violence that started on January 8, 1969, took a reprieve in late February. Taking advantage of the situation, the government announced that it would reopen the schools.

      FROM THE PAN IN TO THE FIRE

    On February 17, 1969, the Supreme Court issued a stay order on all the removing of non-Mulki employees, putting the entire Mulki issue in limbo.

    It was an open secret that politicians were coordinating the ongoing agitation from behind the scenes. This group of politicians was a coterie formed against CM Brahmananda Reddy’s rule. For the first time, these leaders started to emerge into the open.

    On February 20, 1969, the octogenarian politician K. V. Ranga Reddy, father-in-law of Dr. Marri Chenna Reddy, after whom Ranga Reddy district was later named, stated that if the central government failed to implement the recent agreements, he would be forced to start the satyagraham. While referring to the reduced levels of violence in the last week, he made a veiled threat and said there was a peaceful environment in the state now; this could be a temporary state unless the CM took actions ensuring peace in the state. Through that statement, Ranga Reddy was not only hinting at his group’s ability to ratchet up violence in the state, but was also establishing his complicity in the violence that had happened in the past few weeks. It was widely known that Marri Chenna Reddy was using his senile father-in-law K. V. Ranga Reddy as his proxy.

    Ranga Reddy announced that he would be making himself available to all the political leaders and students for discussions on the 26th and 27th of February 1969 between 5 p.m. and 8 p.m. He said that a plan would be charted out after these discussions.

    It is unknown what plan was schemed at these meetings, but the color of the Telangana movement changed from that point on. Politicians singing the integration tune changed their positions overnight to become separatists. Not only that, but if the violence across the region was bad so far, it became worse. Leaders operating from behind the scenes openly emerged on the public stage. These leaders, without an iota of shame, used students, including young children, to achieve their selfish goals.

    On March 6, 1969, the Supreme Court confirmed its stay on the transfer of non-Mulki employees. It went a step further and blocked the creation of super-numerary positions. This effectively tied down the hands of the CM Brahmananda Reddy, who was under pressure to implement the Telangana protections.

    Now a full three months into the movement, 52 MLAs from Telangana served an ultimatum to the CM that unless he took actions toward implementing protections to the Telangana region by March 16, the MLAs would not participate in the Assembly sessions, and the ministers from the region would resign from the cabinet. These MLAs knew very well that there was a Supreme Court stay on non-Mulki transfers and that the CM could not fulfill their demands.

      CHANGED POLITICAL EQUATIONS: TWISTS AND TURNS

    Student leader Mallikarjun re-emerged on the stage with renewed energy. There can be no doubt that the top political brass of Nizam Telangana reinjected him into the separate state politics. Mallikarjun, who a few weeks ago seemed shocked by the violent consequences of his seemingly insignificant actions, now seemed more comfortable with his newfound power. His first step was to give a call for bandh across the Telangana region, effectively bringing the students back into the violent movement. The bandh was successful, except for the districts of Khammam and Nizamabad. Congress Party leaders behind the students’ movement continued to emerge, one after the other, from backstage.

    Former Minister Smt. T. N. Sadaalakshmi presided over a meeting with 1,500 student leaders from all the Nizam Telangana districts. The delegates, under the guidance of Sadaalakshmi, met for six hours. At the meeting’s end, they released a statement, saying that the students of all nine districts would not go to classes until the formation of the Telangana state. They then passed a resolution demanding the resignation of all the Telangana ministers and MLAs. Later, in a meeting held at the Reddy hostel, 30,000 people participated and took an oath not to rest until they achieve a Telangana state.

    Sadly, leaders such as Sadaalakshmi and many others were personally overseeing the destruction of students’ futures by helping them organize the college boycotts and sending them into the streets to protest, which often turned violent. What the innocent students, sacrificing everything they had for the crooked politicians, did not know was that they would be cheated and left in the cold as soon as the opportunistic politicians’ ulterior motives were met.

    Universities fearing violence announced closure of colleges until the end of summer holidays and indefinitely postponed exams. As a result, students were on their way to losing their entire academic year.

    CM Kasu Brahmananda Reddy, still hoping to defuse the crisis, busied himself with fulfilling other items in the all-party agreement not constrained by the Supreme Court stay.

    One major point of contention was the balance of funds—that is, additional tax revenue obtained from the Telangana region over its fair share to the state exchequer. On the state government’s request, the Auditor General of India appointed a senior official, Sri Lalith Kumar, to assess the balance of funds issue. Sri Lalith Kumar submitted his report on March 14, 1969, and determined that the balance of funds between November 1, 1956, when the integrated state was formed, and March 31, 1968, was Rs. 34 crores and 10 lakhs. 

    Telangana leaders disagreed with the auditor general of India’s assessment. They claimed this time that the balance of funds was 107.13 crores. The Telangana Regional Council approved this number. This was the same council that a few months ago determined that the balance of funds were 33 crores. Minister Konda Lakshman, for his part, claimed that the balance of funds was 82 crores. He also proposed a new model of administration for Telangana. He suggested a self-governing authority for the region, while continuing to exist as a united state. Konda Lakshman along with Sri Chokka Rao took this proposal to the PM but failed to impress it upon her.

    Prime Minister Indira Gandhi called for a high-level meeting to discuss the Telangana issue, and she precisely knew whom to invite to the meeting—Dr. Chenna Reddy. It is worth noting that Dr. Reddy still was not publicly supporting the separate state movement and was, on paper, an integrationist.

    In addition to Dr. Marri Chenna Reddy, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi held extensive discussions with the state and central leaders, including Home Minister Chavan, Congress Party President Nijalingappa, Kaachuraj, Sanjeevaiah, Central Minister Kotha Raghuramaiah, CM Brahmananda Reddy, Andhra Pradesh Congress President Kakani Venkataratnam, Minister V. B. Raju, Nookala Ramachandra Reddy, and Chokka Rao. At the end of these extensive discussions, the prime minister proposed an 8-point formula to resolve the ongoing crisis.

    Dr. Chenna Reddy and the other Telangana leaders participating in the discussions expressed their disappointment with the outcome. They complained that the regional council did not have the constitutional authority to implement planning, development, and employment and that the PM had not invited the leaders, Achyutha Reddy and Konda Lakshman.

    For the next round of discussions, Prime Minister Gandhi invited all the prominent Telangana leaders, including Konda Lakshman, K. V. Ranga Reddy, Jalagam Vengal Rao, and C. H. Vidya Sagar Rao, for talks. They all declined the invitation. K. V. Ranga Reddy went a step further and suggested that the PM should come to A.P. to assess the situation personally. Though Ranga Reddy said it politely, he was trying to show off his position of strength by asking the PM to come to the state, instead of his going to Delhi.

    K. V. Ranga Reddy committed a political blunder. With his extensive political experience, it is surprising that he did not realize that he was dealing with a woman who did not like to be muscled around. The tough position taken by the Telangana leaders made Smt. Gandhi even more resolute.

    Meanwhile, the Telangana Regional Congress Committee met in Gandhi Bhavan. During the two days of discussions, Dr. Chenna Reddy argued for a Telangana state, and P. V. Narasimha Rao argued for an integrated state while admitting that the government made some mistakes that affected the Nizam Telangana region. Rao said that the separatists had exaggerated these mistakes to such a point that they sounded absurd. Alluding to Chenna Reddy’s role in dragging the students into the movement, Rao warned that the leaders were taking the students down a wrong path. P. V. Narasimha Rao remained a staunch integrationist throughout the movement and never flinched, even when the public mood was overwhelmingly for separation.

    Dr. Chenna Reddy who was running the Telangana Praja Samithi (TPS) from behind the screens now came out in the open, became its president, and announced his support for a separate Telangana state. His home became a hub for political activity. Thirty Congress Party legislators met at his place to discuss their plan. Chenna Reddy threatened to launch, in a few days, a “powerful movement that would paralyze the entire administration in Telangana.” The leaders’ language turned highly provocative with open threats of violence. Chenna Reddy warned the Coastal Andhra employees in the Telangana districts that unless they behave as servants of the Telangana people, very serious consequences would follow.

    Telangana NGO leader K. R. Amos, who mere weeks before had been concerned about politicians dragging employees into the controversy, was now in bed with the Telangana separatists. He raged that unless India’s government announced the formation of the Telangana state before June 15, 1969, there would be “bloodshed and destruction.”

    Chenna Reddy’s TPS called for a region wide bandh on June 3. The events following the bandh seemed as if the leaders of the movement wanted to prove it to the state and central government that they were not making empty threats of violence. As its leaders promised, the Nizam Telangana region erupted like a volcano on June 3, 1969.

      THE SHOW OFF

    Telangana separatists attacked public and private properties with vengeance. Capital city Hyderabad looked like a war zone. There was collateral damage to many businesses and stores. The fire department attended at least 85 incidents of arson. Thirty-eight people were injured in police firing, including six dead that included a young girl. Stray bullets fired by the police as they were clashing with the separatists hit four members of a family sitting in the living room of their home. TPS activists set the Durga Vilas Hotel in Abids on fire after the hotel employees lynched an 18-year-old protestor who tried to force the hotel’s closure. 

    Skirmishes between the protestors and the police went on until 10 p.m. in the capital city. As things got out of control, the state government called the Indian Army in and clamped curfew on the city for 33 hours. After four days of non-stop violence, 30 people were dead, and life in the capital city of Hyderabad came to a standstill. 

    TPS President Chenna Reddy, now openly using students for his political means, demanded that the government postpone the final exams. If the government proceeded to conduct the exams, he threatened that he would call for another bandh, which by now everyone knew was synonymous to large-scale violence. 

    India’s Home Minster Chavan abruptly ended his trip to Maharashtra and headed back to Delhi to assess the situation in Andhra Pradesh. CM Brahmananda Reddy also headed to Delhi for consultations with PM Gandhi. At the end of their huddle, PM Gandhi released a statement that the government would not yield to violence. 

    Chenna Reddy, for the first time, hinted the real motivation behind his support to the Telangana movement. He announced that he was willing to pause the Telangana movement if the president’s rule was imposed in the state—in other words, if CM Brahmananda Reddy was removed from power. He also set that as a precondition for any talks with the Center. 

    The state government got tough with the leaders of the movement and started arresting them. “Those arrested included the Mayor of Hyderabad Smt. Kumud Nayak, the wife of Dr. Chenna Reddy, Smt. Saavitri Devi, and the wife of the Vice Chancellor of Osmania University Smt. J. Eshwaribhai.

    When taken to court, the judge sentenced them to seven days of jail time. Police also arrested prominent leaders of the movement—Chenna Reddy, Konda Lakshman, Achyuth Reddy, T. Anjaiah, and Maanik Rao—under the Preventive Detention Act. 

    Ministers from Telangana, resenting the government’s tough stand against separatists, resigned from the state cabinet. A seemingly distraught Kasu Brahmananda Reddy announced that he was also resigning and sent his resignation to the Congress President Nijalingappa. However, his resignation was not accepted. 

    A group of Osmania Unversity students demanded reopening of the colleges. They blocked the vice chancellor’s car as he was on his way to the office and vented that, while the American university professors were sending their students to the moon (referring to Neil Armstrong’s recent landing on the moon), our professors were busy with politics and sending us into the streets. 

    CM Brahmananda Reddy continued to give sops to the Telangana region. He announced a plan to build a fertilizer factory in Ramagundam with 60 crores investment. He allocated more funds to the Pochampad Project for its speedy completion. None of these actions could stem the violence across the state.

    Twenty-five-year-old Sriram Chandar and ten-year-old Dasthagir died in police firing when they gate crashed into a felicitation ceremony organized for the Home Minister Jalagam Vengal Rao in his native district of Khammam. In another incident in Secunderabad, an eighteen-year-old Ravinder was killed when the satyagraha movement got out of control.

      LOBBY TIME

    On August 23, 1969, a full eight months into the movement, the tough Prime Minister of India Indira Gandhi said she would only intervene to find a solution if the leaders for a separate state ended the agitation and peace reigned in the state. As a conciliatory gesture to make way for the peace process, CM Brahmananda Reddy released the TPS leaders from the jails.

    Upon his release, Chenna Reddy went to Delhi for discussions and made a statement that TPS would end the stir if the CM was changed. However, on his return to Hyderabad, he distanced himself from the news reports and said that the creation of a separate state was the only solution, setting September 1, 1969 as the deadline. The date came and went. Violence in the state started to recede gradually.There were stray incidents of violence such as pelting stones at buses.

    The crescendo for the resignation of the Chief Minister Kasu Brahmananda Reddy was building. Telangana legislators gathered 50 signatures of their peers and planned to collect 36 more and send their petition to the Congress Party President Nijalingappa.

    It had been nine months since the students of the region left their classrooms, and most of them lost an academic year. Those in the final year of schools and colleges were particularly hard hit. 

    On September 22, 1969, President of India Sri V. V. Giri was on a state visit to Andhra Pradesh. TPS was already taking much heat for playing with student’s lives by involving them in a political movement. On the eve of the president’s visit, TPS and the Students’ Union gave a call for all the students to return to their classes. Student leader Mallikarjun said that the union had decided to ensure that the movement did not affect the students’ education. After ruining an entire academic year, student leader Mallikarjun realized that he needed to protect the students’ futures. 

    Chenna Reddy personally visited President V. V. Giri and gave him the news that the students were returning to classes. President Giri was elated and assured Chenna Reddy that he would do his best for a speedy resolution of the crisis. 

    The government continued to give sops to the Telangana region in an effort to win over the people’s hearts. Education Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao announced that the government would open 10 more junior colleges in the Nizam Telangana region. In the fourth five-year plan, the state government earmarked 45 crore rupees for Telangana, including 28 crores of the balance of funds. The government also announced that it would spend 38% of the state’s total development budget on Telangana. In addition, CM Brahmananda Reddy agreed to increase Telangana’s share of the budget to 42% for the next two years. The government, for the first time, released water to 40,000 acres under the Pochampad Project. It further announced special subsidies to industries coming in six districts of Nizam Telangana and two districts of Rayalaseema. These subsidies included 7.5% interest on industrial loans and a choice to pay the first installment after five years from the time the enterprise raises the loan. 

    TPS got an opportunity to test its mettle in the electoral waters. In the by- election necessitated by the death of the candidate in the Khairatabad constituency, TPS presented its candidate. TPS candidate Nagam Krishna Rao won with a landslide majority. Encouraged by this success, TPS, on July 23, 1969, decided to become a political party. Three months later, in the Siddipeta re-election, the TPS candidate again won with a landslide majority of 20,000 votes.

    On December 10, 1970, the A. P. High Court passed a judgment, reversing its prior verdict, that the Mulki rules are legal. CM Brahmananda Reddy promptly announced that he would implement the Mulki rules in compliance with the high court’s judgment. 

    Around this time, the political scene at the center was changing rapidly. Indira Gandhi and her young cohort’s aggressive adoption of socialism put Gandhi at odds with the older generation leaders that believed in a more moderate approach. Smt. Gandhi’s bank nationalization turned out to be the last straw. The Congress Party split in two, and Gandhi did not have the majority in the Parliament to continue as the PM. As a result, the Loksabha mid-term elections were around the corner. To strengthen her position for the upcoming elections, Mrs. Gandhi expressed renewed interest to resolve the Telangana crisis.

    By winning two by-elections with a landslide margin, Chenna Reddy succeeded in sending a message to the PM that he was a force to reckon with. On January 1, 1971, PM Gandhi, CM Brahmananda Reddy, and TPS leader Chenna Reddy met face-to-face for 90 minutes. It became clear during the discussions that state division was not acceptable to the PM, and she did not want TPS to contest the elections by themselves.

    Indira Gandhi therefore made an offer that was by far the most she had ever offered since the agitation for Telangana started. She offered Chenna Reddy the following:

    TPS should not contest the Congress Party in the Loksabha elections.
    Allow five years of time until 1977 for the eight-point formula to affect the region.
    In the year 1977, if two-thirds of the Nizam Telangana legislators supported separation, the center would agree to the formation of the Telangana state.

    The third point in her offer was the most crucial one and the closest she ever came to agreeing to the bifurcation of the state. However, Chenna Reddy was not interested in something that would happen five years down the road, but was interested in immediate results. 

    Chenna Reddy came back to Hyderabad and presented the PM’s proposal to his party. TPS members overwhelmingly rejected Indira Gandhi’s offer. As a result, a contest between the TPS and Congress in the region then became inevitable. 

    The decision to run against the Congress party probably was the worst political blunder Chenna Reddy committed during the separate Telangana movement. He was haughty with his successes in the by-election and thought that he could arm-twist Mrs. Gandhi by winning the elections in Telangana by a landslide. He certainly got the landslide, but he terribly miscalculated the leverage such a win would give him when negotiating with Mrs. Gandhi. 

    In the run-up to the elections, CM Brahmananda Reddy announced more sops to win over the Nizam Telangana voter. He announced that the Kothagudem power plant would become operational in March 1972 and started construction of another plant in Ramagundam. He announced plans to provide electricity to 1000 villages a year in the state—600 in the Telangana region, 200 in Rayalaseema, and 200 in the Coastal Andhra region.

    None of the sops announced by the CM affected the Nizam Telangana voter. TPS won 10 of the 14 Parliament seats it contested in the mid-term elections.

    Two months passed after the elections. Chenna Reddy did not get the recognition he was hoping to get. It gradually dawned on TPS politicians that they had been victorious electorally but defeated politically.

      POLITICAL – BARGAINS

    Chenna Reddy was arguably in an advantageous position after winning 10 of 14 loksabha seats that they contested. In the upcoming state assembly elections, his candidates would easily win many seats in the Nizam Telangana region. 

    Despite his position of strength, Chenna Reddy was now, more than ever, eager to strike a deal with Mrs. Gandhi.The reason for his angst lay in the political game of numbers. 

    Indira Gandhi won the mid-term elections with a huge majority and got 352 seats. She did not need the support of the 10 TPS MPs in the Parliament. In the upcoming state assembly elections, even if Chenna Reddy won 70% or more of the seats in the Telangana region, Congress was almost certain to win by a landslide in the Kosta and Rayalaseema regions—thanks to the seeds of hatred planted by the Telangana politicians. If that happened, TPS would be confined to opposition in the state assembly and would become a no-name party in the Parliament with its miniscule 10 seats. 

    For TPS leaders, if the Telangana state was not going to happen, they did not want to sit around wasting their time with agitations. Instead, they would rather be enjoying power in the Congress Party. Chenna Reddy and his fellow TPS followers were in an interesting quandary. They knew that they could win the elections by a landslide, yet they did not want to contest the elections on their own party platform. 

    In this backdrop, Chenna Reddy went to Delhi for negotiations with Prime Minister Gandhi. Several original TPS demands did not appear anymore, as they either were fulfilled or were in the process of being fulfilled.

    Chenna Reddy presented a new list of demands and they were:

    = Remove CM Brahmananda Reddy.
    = Depending on the performance of the Telangana region over time, give Telangana legislators the power to make a decision on the separate state.
    = Create a separate Pradesh Congress Committee for Telangana.
    = Ensure that the Telangana Regional Council is effective.
    = Eliminate the regional disparities existing between Telangana and the other regions.

    Quintessential politician Indira Gandhi took full advantage of the quandary that TPS was in. She knew well that TPS was eager to merge with the Congress Party before the upcoming state assembly elections. She fulfilled one demand and one demand only. She agreed to the demand most important to Chenna Reddy and the easiest one for her to fulfill—removing CM Brahmananda Reddy from his seat. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi called CM Brahmananda Reddy to Delhi and asked him to resign in the interest of the state’s well-being. He obliged.

    Chenna Reddy congratulated Brahmananda Reddy for making the right decision and thanked the PM for making it happen. Chenna Reddy said that he hoped that the PM would act equally quickly on the rest of the demands. As it turned out, that was the first and the last demand of Chenna Reddy that Indira Gandhi would ever accept.

    A day after Chief Minister Brahmananda Reddy announced his resignation, Mrs. Gandhi called Chenna Reddy back to Delhi for talks. PM Gandhi and Chenna Reddy spent two days behind closed doors in marathon discussions. We might never know what kind of give-and-take political agreements were made in those meetings. Obviously, the bargaining was for political seats, particularly for MLA tickets and ministries.

      POLITICAL CLIMAX: HERO TURNS VILLAIN

    Chenna Reddy returned to Hyderabad and met the TPS Central Working Committee. He briefed them about his discussions with Indira Gandhi. After a mere three hours of discussions, TPS announced that they are merging with the Congress Party. The decision required the TPS State Council’s ratification.

    On September 18, 1971, after nearly two years of death and mayhem over a Telangana state, the TPS State Council met to discuss their movement’s future. During the TPS State Council meeting, several members argued that the TPS should not have agreed to the merger just based on Kasu Brahmananda Reddy’s resignation. Members argued that the TPS should have insisted on the six-point formula that Chenna Reddy took to Delhi. 

    Council member E. V. Padmanabhan brought copies of the letter he wrote to the TPS president and distributed it to the members. In the letter, he said, Thanks to the TPS, Telangana today is in a worse state than it was prior to October 31, 1956, before the Gentlemen’s Agreement was signed. He added, “I am fortunate to have worked with you all for this great cause. You all fought bravely for a common goal. However, now, you have dumped the people of Telangana in the middle of the lake. What else can I say? Till Telangana is fortunate enough to see good days, I take leave from you all.” Former MP Baqar Ali Mirza, who resigned from the Congress Party for the Telangana cause, said that, in his 40 years of political life, he had never seen an instance where this sort of deceit was done for political positions. 

    The TPS State Council, after four hours of discussion, unanimously approved merging TPS with the Congress Party. Members expressed “hope” that the remaining five of the six demands put forward by the TPS would also be implemented immediately. 

    As the council meeting was underway, students descended on the TPS office, raised slogans against the leaders, and accused them of treason. They argued with the members who were entering the building. These students probably wanted to know why they had to sacrifice a year of their academic life.They probably wondered what purpose the deaths of 12-year-old, seventh- grade student, Narasimhulu; 10-year-old Dasthagir; 18-year-old Ravinder; eighth-grade student, Shankar; and hundreds more like them served.

      STUDENTS TURN FOOLS: THE PERFECT ANTI-CLIMAX

    TPS members claimed that the students were not even students but outsiders. In an ensuing scuttle, TPS members physically assaulted some students and forcibly removed some from the premises.

    In the end, Chenna Reddy and his clan dissolved the separate Telangana movement based on a mere “hope” that Indira Gandhi would concede to their demands. They clearly knew that she would not fulfill their demands. Indira Gandhi did not budge when the state was going up in flames; why would she concede to their demands now. 

    At the end of September 1971, Congress legislators elected education minister P. V. Narasimha Rao, who hailed from the Telangana region, as their leader and made him the chief minister of the state. The new CM inducted former TPS member Achyut Reddy into the 14-member cabinet. 

    The tragic saga of the Telangana movement that consumed hundreds of innocent young lives, caused massive collateral damage to pubic assets, and pushed the state economically back by many years thus ended. 

      REMAKE OF THE MOV(IE)MENT NOW , TITLED : WHO IS THE FOOL AGAIN!!??

    Now let us look at how the leaders and proponents of today’s separate state movement are distorting facts to further their agenda.

    Professor Jayashankar wrote the following: The Gentlemen’s Agreement of 1956, which was an assurance of fair play given to the people of Telangana to facilitate the formation of Andhra Pradesh, was scuttled the very same day on which the state was born, by the very same Gentlemen who were signatories to the agreement.” The Vice Chancellor makes a profound statement about violating the agreement but does not clarify how. 

    The gentlemen’s agreement was not scuttled, and large portions of it were effectively implemented. The Telangana regional council was formed according to the agreement. During its reign, the council unanimously passed all the resolutions, and no dispute whatsoever existed with the government. In terms of ministerial appointments, all rules laid out in the agreements seem to have been met because none of the leaders raised this as an issue, even during the height of the separatist movement in 1969.

    The agreement fell short in only two areas: balance of funds and government jobs. The first issue of balance of funds was resolved without much controversy. The second issue involving a mere 5,000 jobs was delayed as the judgment was bogged down in the courts. 

    Today, the Telangana Martyrs Memorial stands tall at Gun Park opposite the State Assembly Building. The Web site dedicated to those who died during the separate state movement says the following: “After the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre it was the 1969 Telangana movement which took more than 370 brave Indian sons, unparallel in the recent Indian history. The real culprit was Kasu Brahmananda Reddy, known to be General Dyer of Telangana.” 

    The culprit was not Kasu Brahmananda Reddy.The culprits were the cowardly politicians who did not have the guts to fight for their cause democratically and resorted to using young men and children for their selfish ends. Who is the real villain of this tragic episode—Kasu Brahmananda Reddy or Dr. Marri Chenna Reddy? 

    The Telangana memorial is neither a symbol of bravery nor martyrdom. To the contrary, it is a sad reminder of political opportunism. It is a standing reminder of scores of innocent children who laid their lives down for a mere 5,000 jobs and 33 crore rupees. 

    The philosopher George Santayana said, Those who cannot learn from history are doomed to repeat it.” Unfortunately, students are particularly prone to repeat past mistakes. Given their age, students lack the historic perspective and are driven by emotions, rather than facts. Today’s students, for the most part, do not know how the leaders duped students in 1969–1970 and how they lost an entire academic year while many lost their lives. 

    KCR so far has not fully exploited the students for his cause. However, when push comes to shove, he is capable of using students as his trump card. On July 2, 2007, he said, “In 6 years of Telangana movement we have not shown a desire to include the students in the agitation. However, the time has come where the role of students is needed.” KCR instructed the leaders of his organization to make a personal visit to every intermediate and degree college in Nizam Telangana. He instructed them to form committees of 15– 24 students. These committees of students, he said, would then receive special training in Hyderabad’s Telangana Bhavan. 

    Special training to do what—training on how to recreate the mayhem of 1970 or training on how to become targets of police guns? It is repulsive that the Telangana leaders continue to exploit 15- to 17-year-old children for their selfish ends. 

    The hero of our story, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, probably patted herself on the back for skillfully defusing the Telangana crisis. Little did she know that there was a much larger problem brewing on the horizon that would fully test her leadership capabilities—and that challenge was the Jai Andhra movement.

    links :……….

    the jai telangana movement of 1969 and also ” MY TELUGU ROOTS ” Book.

    Thank You ,

    Ramakanth .

    ఫిబ్రవరి 6, 2010

    జ్ఞానులకు మరియు తెలంగాణ ఆంధ్రా సీమ ఉద్యమోన్మాదులందరికీ ఒక విజ్ఞప్తి

    నా జవాబు : తెలంగాణ ఆంధ్రా సీమ వాళ్ళందరికీ

    జ్ఞానులయిన తోటి BLOGGER లకు వందనం

    నేను ఇప్పటివరకు ఒకరికి ఇచ్చిన అసలు-సిసలు తెలుగు జవాబు ఇది.

    ఈ విషయం అందరికీ వర్తిస్తదని తలచి నేను దీనిని ఒక వ్యాసంగా POST చేస్తున్నను.

    ” నేను తెలుగులో ఇంత పెద్దగా ఎప్పుడూ రాయలేదు.

    మీకు బదులు చెప్పలనే కోరిక తోనే వ్రాస్తున్నను.

    అయ్యా సుబ్బయ్య వారు,

    మీ నుంచి ఇటువంటి పొస్త్ వస్తుందని నేను ఊహించలేదు. మీకు గుర్తుందో లేదో ,మీరు నాకు తెలంగాణము కు అర్థము తెలిపినారు , సంతోషం అందుకు నా కృతజ్ఞతలు. మీ భాషా జ్ఞాణానికి నా వందనము.

    మీ నుండి కూడా ఇటువంటి మాటలు వస్తాయని అనుకోలేదు.
    అదే తాగుట గూర్చి …..

    మనలో మంచి చెడు రెండూ ఉంటాయి. కాని వాటి గూర్చి మీరు అట్లా అనడం ఏమీ బాగా లేదు. మీ ఆవేదనను అర్థం చేసుకోగలను, మీ ఉద్దేశాలు తెలుసు , తెలుగు వారు విడిపోవద్దని మీరు కోరుకుంటున్న ఉద్దేశ్యము గొప్పది.
    మీ ప్రాంతO మీద కొందరు తెలంగాణ పేరు తో రాజకీయ ఆట లో భాగంగా ఆంధ్రా వాళ్ళు దొంగలు మోసగాళ్ళు అని నొటికి ఏది వస్తే ఆ పిచ్చి కూతలు కూస్తున్నారు. వాటికి బాధ పడి దానికి వ్యతిరేకంగానే ఆ మాటలు మాట్లాడారాని నాకు తెలుసు.
    కాదనను మిమ్మలిని ఉసిగొలిపిన కూతలు చాల నీచమయినవి, ఆత్మాభిమానాన్ని గాయ పరిచే విధము గా ఉన్నయి.

    కాని మీరు తెలివి కలిగిన వారు. ఆ పిచ్చి కూతలు చేసిన వాడి సంస్కారం కాని వాని ఉద్దేశ్యలు వాని కుత్సిత బుద్ధి ఏమితో మనకు తెలియకుండా ఉOడదు. వాడు తన లాభం కోసం ఇంకొకరిని బలి చేస్తున్నడు. వాడి చెడు మాటలు మనకు కూడా చెడు రీతిలో ఆలొచింప చేస్తుంది , అది మిమ్మల్ని కూడా ఈ నిగ్రహం కోల్పోయేలా చేసే స్థయిలో ఉంది.

    ఇప్పటికే చదువుకున్న వాళ్ళు కూడా ఆలోచనా విచక్షణ ను కోల్పోయి ఇష్టం వచ్చిన రీతి లో మూర్ఖత్వాన్ని చూపించుకుంటున్నారు.

    మీరు కూడా అట్లా మాట్లాడుతారని ఊహించలేదు.

    చెప్పాలి కాబట్టి చెబుతున్నా నిజమే ఇక్కడ తాగుతారు. ఇంట్లొనే తాగుతారు. కాని అన్ని సార్లు తప్పని నేను అనుకోను ఎందుకంటే ( మా జిల్లా నల్లగొండ లో ఆ త్రాగునీటికి తాడికల్లు తాగక తప్పదని అంటారు .( నల్లగొండ లో ఎండలు చాల ఎక్కువ, మరియు నీళ్ళు పలుచనివి కాదు , ఉప్పు/మందపు నీళ్ళు.వీతికి విరుగుడు గా కల్లు తీసుకుంటారని అనగా విన్నాను.) మా నయనమ్మ అమ్మమ్మ కూడా కల్లు తాగేవారు. నేను మా అమ్మ ఇంకా కొంత మంది తాగము లెండి. కాని OVER ALL ఇక్కడ తాగుతారు. నేను ఒప్పుకుంటా. కాని అందరు కాదు.

    ఇది అందరికి వర్తించదు. ఇక్కడిది తాగుతారు, ఇది CULTURE లో భగమే కాని తాగుబోతు CULTURE కాదు. ఇట్లా అందరికి వర్తించే టట్టు అనటం బాధిస్తది.

    తాగటం ఎవరు చేయరు. మన రాజులు తాగక పోయెద ,మన కథలలో లేవా కని…..
    అట్లాగే లంజతనం కుడానూ. కోస్తా లో RECORDING DANCE లలో ఆడవాళ్ళను బట్టలు ఊడదీయిచ్చి ఎగరించరా. వాటికి అక్కడ పెద్దలు సై అని చేతులు కలపరా.
    ఆ ఆడవాళ్ళను అందరి ముందు అంగాలను పట్టి ఇష్టం వచ్చినట్టు సిగ్గు లేకుండా చేసే చేష్టలు ఏమిటి.
    అది కూడా దేవుని జాతరలలో చేయడం మంచా చెడా.
    ( కోటప్ప కొండ ఇంకా మరికొన్ని ప్రాంతాలలో )

    అట్లాగే వ్యభిచారం ఎక్కువగా, రంకు సంబంధాలు, బహు భార్యత్వం, మొగుళ్ళను వదిలేయటం , లేచిపోవటం , పని కోసం భార్యలను కూతుళ్ళను కూడా పండబెట్టడం , ఉన్నత కుటుంభలలో కూడా ఈ లంజ తనం సాగటం కోస్తా లోని చాల ప్రాంతాలలో సధారణం .

    తెలంగాణ లో రాయలసీమ లో ఒక నానుడి ఉంది.

    కోస్తాంధ్రా వాళ్ళ పిల్లను చేసుకోరు( లంజ తనానికి బయపడీ) వాళ్ళకు పిల్లను ఇవ్వరు ( మగ వాళ్ళు రండలు అని, అంటే మగతనం ఉండదని) .

    అట్లా అని పెళ్ళిళ్ళు చేసుకోరని కాదు , చేసుకుంటారు.

    ఇట్లా అనాలని కాదు కాని చెడు ఎక్కడైనా ఉందని చెప్పటానికే
    నా ప్రయాస.

    మీరు కుడా EMOTIONS కి లొంగి అట్లా అనుంటారని అనుకుంటున్నాను.

    అట్లాగే మీ మీద ఈ మాటలతో పొడవటానికి కాదు , ఉదాహరణ కు చెప్పనంతే.

    మంచి చెడు రెండూ మనలో భగమే , ఇది మీ ఒక్కరికని కాదు చదువుకున్న మనుషులందరికి , ముఖ్యంగా తెలంగాణ పేరుతో అంధ్రా, సీమ పేరుతో పిచ్చి కూతలు కూసే వాళ్ళందరికీ .

    తల్లి లాంటి తెలంగాణ పేరుతో చెప్పుకుతిరిగే దొంగలు కాదు నమ్మక ద్రోహులు, నీచులకు వారి అసలు రంగు బటపడే రోజు వస్తుంది . అప్పుడు మిగిలేవి చెప్పుదెబ్బలే.

    అప్పటివరకు మనం ఓపిక పడుదాము .

    ఒకరినొకరు ప్రాంతాల వారీ గా తిట్టుకునే పద్ధతి మనకు మంచిది కాదు.

    మీ అభిమాని,

    రమాకాంత్ రెడ్డి . కం ”

    అర్థమయ్యిందనుకుంటా ఏ విషయం పై మాట్లాడుతున్ననో ..

    ఇట్లు,

    రమాకాంత్ రెడ్డి

    ఫిబ్రవరి 5, 2010

    TTD Archives receives legendary C.P. Brown’s photograph

    Filed under: ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్,Language,Rayalaseema,Telugu — kanred @ 8:49 సా.
    Tags: ,

    source:The Hindu: Rare acquisition for TTD archives

    ఆంధ్ర భాశోద్ధరక C.P.Brown

    REMEMBERING A LUMINARY: A photograph of the legendary British Collector of Kadapa, C.P.Brown (sitting middle), taken about 175 years ago during his visit to Gurramkonda in Chittoor district.

    Here’s some good news for those who were longing to see the photograph of the legendary British Collector of erstwhile Kadapa — C.P. Brown. It was a chance acquisition even for the TTD’s Digital Library, which now claims that it has secured the rare photograph passed on to its director, Bhuman, by one Saligrama Srinivasacharyulu of Valmikipuram.

    Mr Bhuman had recently led a TTD contingent to Tarigonda village — the birthplace of the saint-poetess Tarigonda Vengamamba for a function arranged to commemorate her works in praise of Lord Venkateswara. It was on this occasion that he casually broached with the Acharyulu about Brown’s photograph still evading all those who are on a hunt for the same.

    Unsuccessful search

    Some of the big names in the Telugu literary world, who were engaged in the `search mission’, according to Mr Bhuman were Arudra, Bangore and Janumaddi. But their efforts also did not meet with any success with the result that barring speculative or imaginary portraits, so far not even a single photograph of Brown could be secured until the Acharyulu passed on one to the head of the TTD’s Digital Library.

    The photograph, CDs of which were supplied on Saturday to the local media by Mr Bhuman, was reportedly taken when the high profile Collector with a deep love for Telugu visited, about 150 to 175 years ago, Ellutla village near Gurramkonda, which in those days was under Kadapa district. When Brown visited the village in connection with a land revenue dispute, he had obliged the villagers’ request for a group photo with them. Acharvulu visited Ellutla village, traced the descendents of the persons in the photo and secured not only Brown’s photo but five volumes of palm-leaf manuscripts on some ancient works. That would be studied later.

    జనవరి 6, 2010

    BROTHEL ‘రాజ’ భవనం బండారం, TIWARI తిమ్మిరి…..అసలు కథ..

    మన ముసలొడికి మొదటి నుండి అమ్మయిల పిచ్చి ఎక్కువ.

    కనపడిన అమ్మయిలు కావలంటా. ఇవి చూడండి .

    86 year old in an reported orgy? TIMES ONLINE — UK SAYS, THE STORY

    Tiwari’s alleged relationship with a Nepali girl, Sarika Pradhan, who was given a rank equivalent to a minister of state.

    He saw the three interns who were also present in the function and asked me to hand them over to Tiwari.

    Paternity suit on ND Tiwari- 29-year-old moves court for recognition as ‘natural’ son; veteran politician and governor denies allegation, says he cannot be coerced into DNA test.

    The second-most-popular PM candidate is Narayan Dutt Tiwari, who was Finance Minister and also was Foreign Affairs Minister briefly.

    N.D. Tiwari, facing another sex scandal, would probably receive a sympathetic hearing from the British courts if he were to claim his privacy had been breached.

    మనోని పెళ్ళాం 1993 లొ చనిపోయిందంట.
    అప్పటి నుండి మనోడు ఊరు మీద పడ్డాడు . ఎక్కడ పడితే అక్కడ ఎవరు కనపడితే వళ్ళు కావాలంటా.

    ఈ క్రమం లొనే వాడు , ఎక్ష్. UNION MINISTER కూతురిని ని LINE లొ పెట్టాడు. వాడు వీనికి గురువటా . వాని కూతురిని ఒదార్చడానికి వచ్చినట్టు వచ్హి ( మినిస్తెర్ కి బాగా లెదప్పుడు ) కథ మొదలుపెట్టాడు.
    ఆమెను ఉంచుకుంటానని చెప్పుతూ గడిపినడు. ఇంతలో అక్కడ ఇక్కడా ఎక్కడ పడితే అక్కడ పని కానిస్తూ పదవులు కుడా సంపాదించడు.

    అయితే ముసలోడు కి ఆర్యేంద్ర షర్మ అని ఒక నమ్మకమయిన బ్రోకర్ గాడు ఒకడు వాడితోటె OSD గా పెట్టుకున్నడు. వాని తోనె బేర-సారం జరిపేవాడు.

    రాధికా అని ఒకమె కి OBULAPURAM MINES లొ CONTRACT ఇప్పిస్తామని , AP BHAVAN లొ అంతకు ముందర చూసిన అమ్మయిలని తనకి పక్క లొకి పంపమని చెప్పాడు.
    ఆమె కుడా సరె అని చెప్పి అట్లానే చెసింది… కొద్ది రొజులు ఇట్ల కొనసగింది.

    ముసలొడి ‘పని’ అయినాక ‘వాని SECRETERY లు OSD ఇంకా కొంత మంది MP’ లు వీళ్ళని వాడుకోవడం START చెసారు.

    ఇంతలొ ఆ CONTRACT లు రాక పొగా , CONTRACT లు రావలంటె RADHIKA ను కుడ తమతో పక్క లొ పడుకొవాలని OSD గాడు FORCE చేసడంటా. దీనిని వాడు VIDEO లు తీసి, అవి చూపించి , అమెను కూడా ప్రతి ఒక్కడూ (వెయ్యటం) వాడుకొవడం జరిగినదంటా. నోరు విప్పితే VIDEO S బయట పెడుతామని ,ఇంకా అమెపై వేరు వేరు BROTHEL , CONTRACT లొ FRAUD , CHEATING CASE లు పెడుతామని బెదిరించి ఆమెను(రాధికను) కుడా అందరు కలిసి (వెయ్యటం) వాడుకొవడం START చెసారంటా.
    ( అమె దబ్బు పొయ్యి , అమె వాళ్ళ ‘ పక్క ‘ ల లోకి పొయి నరకం భరించలేక VIDEO S అమెనే తీయించి ABN NEWS తో బయట పెట్టింది. )

    లేక పొతే ఊరికే డబ్బు పోయిందని ముసలొడిని ఇందులో ఇరికించినదని అనుకొవడానికి లేదు)

    జనవరి 1, 2010

    Hyderabad sinks from software to scams as greed and wealth swamp politics

    Posted by: John Elliott | December 18, 2009

    ARTICLE AT ”Hyderabad sinks from software to scams as greed and wealth swamp politics

    India’s southern city of Hyderabad is becoming one of India’s most potent symbols of the greed and corruption that link politicians and businessmen. For the third time in a year, the state has been rocked by a crisis that exposes those linkages – this time over whether Andhra Pradesh should be split in two with the creation of a new state of Telangana based around Hyderabad (white area in map below).

    This is a far cry from the glory and international fame of the past 15 or so years when this prosperous capital of the state of Andhra Pradesh became an international symbol of India’s dramatic growth in software, second only to Bangalore as a thriving location for information technology investment. Companies located there include Google and Microsoft, and Bill Clinton visited as US president.

    The first of the state’s crises came a year ago with the collapse of Satyam, a leading Hyderabad-based software company that was owned by the family of its then chairman, Ramalinga Raju. The Rajus were closely linked with various politicians, including the state’s Congress chief minister, Y S Rajasekhar Reddy (YSR), who died in a helicopter crash in September, as well as his predecessor, Chandrababu Naidu.

    Politicians are widely believed to have invested their black money in both Satyam and in Maytas Infrastructure, an associated company that received favours on contracts from the state government and drained funds out of Satyam. Both companies (Satyam has now been sold) are now being investigated for massive fraud, and Raju has been detained in jail since January.

    Next came YSR’s sudden death and an immediate attempt by his politically inexperienced 37-year old son, Y.S.Jaganmohan Reddy, to become the chief minister. Jaganmohan, who had built a substantial business empire since his father came to power in 2004, was frenetically backed in a campaign by local businessmen who wanted to protect deals they had struck with his father and to be able to replicate them in the future.

    As Bharat Bhushan, editor of India’s Mail Today, put it in an article (“Money backs ‘Son-rise’ in Andhra” – Oct 3, 2009) that listed many company names, YSR secured the loyalty of his supporters not by giving them lucrative government jobs, which is common practice across the country, but by facilitating opportunities for developing new businesses, especially in booming Hyderabad.

    “YSR converted his key supporters into businessmen, industrialists, contractors and realtors,” wrote Bhushan. “Their loyalty to the party, or the leader, was based on pure economic interest. YSR rewarded them with contracts in state sponsored irrigation projects…….highway projects, real estate activities, development of Special Economic Zones, land grants and housing schemes in urban as well as rural areas……

    “It has taken decades for Indian entrepreneurs like the Tatas, Birlas, Ambanis and Bajajs to convert family businesses into billion dollar corporations. The Congress Party under YSR in Andhra showed us that this could be done in barely five years.”

    These are the businessmen who are now resisting the demands for a Telangana state. Coming from Andhra’s coastal regions, they mostly belong to the Reddy and Kamma upper castes that must now be ranked along with India’s more famous business castes and communities such as the Marwaris of the north and the Chettiars of the south.

    They fear that the dispute will lead to a crash in Hyderabad real estate values and a cutback on infrastructure projects – and that they might be driven out of the capital by the new Telangana rulers.

    Among the most powerful anti-Telangana politicians is Lagadapati Rajagopal, founder-chairman of the rapidly growing Lanco infrastructure, power and construction group and a Congress MP, whose development plans in and around Hyderabad would be hit hard if the state split. Another MP with powerful Delhi connections is T.Subbarami Reddy, whose Gayatri group has many infrastructure projects. Another businessman who would lose from a split is Andhra-born G.M.Rao, founder-chairman of the Bangalore-based GMR group that built Hyderabad airport and controversially has 5,000 of acres around the site waiting for development, as well as many other projects. National and local politicians are widely believed to have invested in such companies.

    The Telangana claim

    The Telangana people’s wish for some sort of constitutional identity has been around for over 50 years, and has been fudged and rebuffed by successive Indian governments. But last week (December 9) the central government gave way and agreed to create Telangana in order to end a fast by a local politician and activist, K. Chandrashekhar Rao (KCR), leader of Telangana Rashtriya Samiti, who was risking his life to revive his crumbling political image.

    That humane but politically clumsy decision led to violent demonstrations in Hyderabad, plus resignation threats by about half the members of the legislative assembly. This paralysed the state government and sparked follow-on bifurcation claims from other states all over India.

    But observers of India’s frequently muddled and confusing political scene need not fear any imminent Balkanisation of India’s 28 states. Having prevented the death of the fasting politician, the government is back to fudge, and hopes to stall the Telangana claims indefinitely, maybe even until the state’s next assembly elections in 2014. Meanwhile, other states’ claims to be split will be examined, and some may push ahead a little – but there is no crisis, despite blanket and over-excited media coverage.

    Unlike most other bifurcation claims, the battle over Telangana is about wealth, not language or ethnic divisions, nor dramatic differences in geography. It would also the first time that the capital of a state has gone with the new entity – normally the breakaway has to start afresh.

    The people of coastal Andhra have benefited economically since the days of British rule when there was extensive investment in irrigation, but the Telangana region lagged behind under the thumb of the Nizam of Hyderabad. When Hyderabad began to flourish in the 1990s as an IT centre, wealthy landowners from the coastal region flocked to the city to develop real estate and infrastructure projects, lining up with local politicians such as YSR and his cronies to secure contracts and licences. This is the wealth that they fear the creation of Telangana would put at risk.

    The reputation of Hyderabad and Andhra has been severely damaged by this series of crises. It is causing concern among both Indian and international investors who had not known – or had ignored – the political-business linkages and scams.

    The state now has an uncertain political future. The death of YSR has removed an able political leader who, despite his business links and cronyism, was an effective Congress chief minister. Now the Congress Party is split over who his successor should be, as well as over the Telangana issue. And, of course, politicians’ fixing of contracts and projects for the benefit of themselves and their cronies is visible for all to see.

    దొంగలు దొంగలు కలిసి ఊళ్ళు పంచుకున్నరంట( YSR AND HIS AIDES )

    దొంగలు దొంగలు కలిసి ఊరు పంచుకున్నరంట

    Money backs ‘ Son- rise’ in Andhra , ABOUT Y.S. & Co.

    Money backs ‘ Son- rise’ in Andhra by Bharat Bhushan [PUBLISHED ON 3rd october 2009 in 10th page of MAIL TODAY NEWS PAPER.]

    ABOUT THE EDITOR Mr. BHARATH BHUSHAN

    AN ARTICLE FROM MAIL TODAY NEWS BY BHARATH BHUSHAN

    Money backs ‘ Son- rise’ in Andhra

    by Bharat Bhushan

    IT HAS been a month since the former Andhra Chief Minister Y S Rajasekhar Reddy ( YSR) died in a helicopter crash.

    The Congress high command has allowed his son, Y S Jaganmohan Reddy and his supporters to run riot in this period.

    They paid people whose next of kin died of old age, chronic illness or other causes to say that they had died of shock after learning of YSR’s untimely and tragic death. This number was totted up to nearly 600 with talk of nearly half a dozen “ suicides”. Surprisingly, if the Jaganmohan Reddy run Sakshi TV and newspaper of the same name are to be believed, many of those who died of shock gave a dying declaration that after YSR only his son could continue his propoor policies as chief minister. India has not witnessed such a farce since Independence.

    Today, in Andhra Pradesh, it would seem that there is no other Congress leader than Jaganmohan Reddy, no administration, no governance and a chief minister whose writ does not run over his own council of ministers.

    Ironically, by allowing Jaganmohan Reddy to continue his unseemly blackmail, the Congress high command is transforming the political novice into the political leader that he never was.

    But more of that later. One must first ask how such a political greenhorn enjoys, according to his claims, the support of three- fourths of Andhra MLAs. The answer lies in the changing pattern of political patronage in Andhra Pradesh.

    Time was when Congressmen like others in public life accumulated political capital not only by their propeople initiatives but also through fostering intricate patron- client relationships.

    This entailed appointing supporters to non- elected positions in the party and the government, helping them build their own patronage networks by giving them clear advantages such as access to the state machinery, and funding their election to local bodies, workplace unions, etc. In short, the attempt was to demonstrate to them that there were political advantages to be had by aligning with the party in power.

    Patronage

    Andhra Pradesh seems to be changing that structure of patronage.

    Instead of giving partymen a share in one’s political capital — the more one shared it, the more it grew — the Congress supporters are given a stake in the state’s economic enterprises.

    YSR ushered in this revolution.

    He converted his key supporters into businessmen, industrialists, contractors and realtors. Their loyalty to the party or the leader was based on pure economic interest.

    YSR rewarded them with contracts in state sponsored irrigation projects ( the much- publicised Rs. 130,000 crore “ Jalyagnam” projects), highway projects, real estate activities, development of Special Economic Zones ( SEZs), land grants and housing schemes in urban as well as rural areas. The loyalty of a majority of the 156 Congress MLAs who got tickets in the last assembly elections was secured through such largesse. Some others have benefitted with smooth and quick approvals of their business ventures.

    Those Congressmen who got irrigation project contracts during the YSR regime include MPs T Subbirami Reddy, Kavuri Sambasiva Rao and Rayapati Sambasiva Rao; state ministers Komatireddy Venkat Reddy and P Ramachandra Reddy; and MLA Adala Prabhakar Reddy.

    And these are only the big fish — many other party MLAs like Adinarayana Reddy, Srikanth Reddy, Gurunath Reddy, and A Indrakaran Reddy ( former MLA) are believed to have got smaller irrigation and associated road works contracts.

    Andhra Congress MLAs whose real estate business thrived during YSR’s chief ministerial tenure include ministers Shilpa Mohan Reddy and Jupalli Krishna Rao, who defaulted on payment of crores of rupees to an urban co- operative bank and Lagadapati Rajagopal ( Congress MP from Vijayawada who is building Lanco Hills — the country’s biggest real estate project). Many other Congress leaders like D Sudheer Reddy ( MLA) and Malreddy Ranga Reddy ( former MLA) have benefitted from the Rs. 3,000 crore Outer Ring Road project of Hyderabad.

    Nellore MP Mekapati Rajamohan Reddy and his brother Chandramohan Reddy, MLA, have won contracts for roads and building works. K Pratap Reddy, the Treasurer of the Congress, has stakes in the cement industry and is believed to have business links with the YSR family.

    Vijayawada Congress MP Lagapati Rajagopal is believed by many to be the biggest beneficiary of the YSR regime and is involved in businesses ranging from power, iron castings, real estate and infrastructure.

    In short, it is difficult to find a Congressman of any consequence in Andhra who has not benefitted from the largesse of the state government.

    Several businessmen, industrialists, realtors and contractors who are not directly in politics — some cutting across political lines like the Karnataka BJP minister and mine lord G Janardhan Reddy of Bellary who was given 10,700 acres of land in Anantapur — are all worried about their projects in various stages of development. They have a right to be worried.

    Family

    Businesses which are underwritten and steered by someone at the helm of the state are less likely to fail. They were failsafe investments. Now their future is suddenly uncertain.

    It has taken decades for Indian entrepreneurs like the Tatas, Birlas, Ambanis and Bajajs to convert family businesses into billion dollar corporations.

    The Congress party under YSR in Andhra showed us that this could be done in barely five years.

    The YSR family’s market capitalisation is estimated to be nearly three- fourths of the annual budget of Andhra Pradesh which is around Rs 1,00,000 crore. The family enterprises and business interests spread across real estate ( Silicon Builders, Classic Realty, Bhagvath Sannidhi Estates), infrastructure ( Silicon Infrastructure, Shalom Infrastructure, Marvel Infrastructure, Janani Infrastructure, Athena Infra, Viz Projects), cement ( Bharathi Cement), chemicals ( Pulivendula Polymers), plantations ( Forest Plantations India Ltd), power generation ( Athena Energy, Athena Kakinada Power, Sainz Hydro), newspapers ( Jagati Publications) and television ( Indira Television) besides owning Carmel Asia Holdings Pvt. Ltd.

    The formidable business empire that YSR and his son set up has stakeholders among those who are in politics and business in Andhra today. The future of their investments depends on having a constant gardener from the YSR family to tend their interests. They cannot afford to let Jaganmohan Reddy lose out in the chief ministerial sweepstakes.

    Indulgence

    It is difficult to understand on the other hand why the Congress high command is so indulgent towards Jaganmohan’s shenanigans. Does the party have good reason to allow the mess that Jaganmohan Reddy’s supporters are creating in Andhra Pradesh? YSR was very close to Rajiv Gandhi who appointed him the state Congress chief at the relatively young age of 35 years. Sonia Gandhi has always valued loyalty to her late husband.

    More importantly, YSR also delivered politically — not once but in two consecutive assembly and Lok Sabha elections. There would have been no UPA I or II without the electoral outcome of Andhra adding muscle to the Congress.

    Another speculation doing the rounds is that the Congress high command is reluctant to act quickly against Jaganmohan Reddy because YSR was also believed to be one of the largest funders of the party.

    Those sources of funds are now controlled by his son. So instead of cutting him to size, the party is being indulgent. Why else would the party allow speculation about Jaganmohan Reddy being offered Deputy Chief Ministership or a place in the central council of ministers? Could it be on the other hand that Jaganmohan Reddy is being allowed to demonstrate the support he enjoys in order to nurse his image as a mass leader? There could well be a strategy to allow the demonstration of support and soon people will forget that YSR’s son is a political novice. The blatant hooliganism of his supporters seems to have scuttled his chances to fill YSR’s shoes immediately. However, this will not prevent his well- wishers from claiming that YSR Junior has come into his own as a political leader with a mass base. This would pave the way for his accommodation in the party or the government.

    bharat.bhushan@ mailtoday.in

    డిసెంబర్ 31, 2009

    Stories of the Closing Krishna River Basin in South India

    Filed under: ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్,Telugu — kanred @ 12:39 సా.
    Tags:

    Stories of the Closing Krishna River Basin in South India – Jean-Philippe Venot

    డిసెంబర్ 28, 2009

    చేదు నిజం…….కానీ నిజం…ఒక్క ఆంధ్ర సీమ వాల్లేనా , మా తెలంగాణ వాళ్ళు కుడా మోసం చేయగలరు తెలుసా

    ikkada mosam nijam annadi matter kaadu.

    manishi lo mosam nijam anni untayi.

    kondaru annattu edo andhra no rayalaseema no pakistan no india no chinese no veellu motham mosagaallu anadam lo murkhatvamu medadu leni thanamu , pashuvu tathvamu agnyanamu inkaa… ilanti vaatitho samanamu.so these kinds of comments are baseless and tell about the maturity of the speaker or writer.
    i used these terms in my title as the situation comes now as of ” some unharmonious quarrel among some people of allthe regions more so in telangana and also in coastal andhra and rayalaseema region.” the title is meant only for the purpose of attraction audience and fellow bloggers and also to torment the ego s of someone who are narrowminded educated ones.

    TITLE NDIRECT COPY – PASTE FROM AN ARTICLE FROM HINDU

    EVER since Hyderabad became the capital of Andhra Pradesh in 1956, a number of professionals, film personalities, traders and businessmen from the coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions have made it their home. The agitation for a separate Telengana State has caused apprehensions in them in view of the bitter memories of the 1969 Telengana agitation, which was marked by violence and the “go back to Andhra” call.

    The roots of the agitation lie in a bitter power struggle in the Congress(I). After the 1967 general elections, Kasu Brahmananda Reddi became Chief Minister for a second time, while Dr. Marri Channa Reddy joined Indira Gandhi’s Cabinet as Minister for Steel. Channa Reddy’s election was set aside by a court on a petition filed by an Arya Samaj contestant, Vandemataram Ramachandra Rao, on the grounds that the Minister had appealed to religious sentiments at a meeting held in a mosque. Channa Reddy went in appeal to a Division Bench of the High Court and later the Supreme Court but lost the case. He was disqualified for six years from holding office.

    Channa Reddy returned to Hyderabad a bitter man. Those were the days when an agitation for a separate Telengana State was taking shape as government servants who hailed from Telengana felt that they were being deprived of promotions by their colleagues from the Andhra region, who were integrated into the common cadre. Under the Mulki rules in force in the Nizam’s old Hyderabad state, any person who had lived in Hyderabad for 15 years was considered a local. The employees from the Andhra region were thus to become ‘Mulkis’ by 1971. Employees from Telengana wanted quick action in order to ensure their promotions and to prevent competition from employees belonging to the Andhra region.

    Channa Reddy took control of the Telengana Praja Samithi and changed the pace of the agitation. A controversy over Prof. D.S. Reddy’s appointment as Vice Chancellor of Osmania University added a new dimension to the problem. Channa Reddy said that it was a “mistake” to have allowed the transfer in 1956 of the Telengana area of the former Hyderabad state to the Andhra State, which was constituted in 1953 districts with the Telugu-speaking areas of Madras.

    The TPS soon gathered momentum in the districts. In 1969, at the height of the agitation, Brahmananda Reddi announced his resignation, triggering widespread celebrations in Hyderabad. But the next day the Congress Legislature Party rejected his offer to step down.

    The agitation slowed down by 1970, but at the political level the TPS kept up the pressure. In the 1971 Lok Sabha elections, the TPS made its point when it won 10 of the 15 Lok Sabha seats from the Telengana region. It was clear that the time had come for Brahmananda Reddi to pack up. But he adopted an attitude of defiance, because the agitation had subsided and Channa Reddy did not look like a force any more. However, other factors forced Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to act. First, it was a tactless assertion by Kotla Vijayabhaskara Reddy, Finance Minister and a confidant of Brahmananda Reddi, on the floor of the Assembly that “no force on earth” could force the Chief Minister out as long as he enjoyed the support of the legislature. Secondly, Brahmananda Reddi provided wrong figures to Indira Gandhi about the collection of party funds. The Congress(I) collected Rs.5 per bag of rice sold by millers in Andhra Pradesh to rice-deficit States like Kerala and Tamil Nadu. Police officials across the four southern States simultaneously raided rice millers and traders to find out the extent of the funds collected, which was far higher than the figures provided by Brahmananda Reddi.

    Brahmananda Reddi was summoned to Delhi in September 1971. Indira Gandhi told him: “Some people say you should resign.” Brahmananda Reddi asked: “What is your view?” Then Indira Gandhi said: “I also feel you should quit.” He resigned and P.V.Narasimha Rao succeeded him.

    Soon Channa Reddy held an extended meeting of the TPS and dissolved the body. He was criticised as “betrayer”. The “Sampurna Telengana Praja Samithi”, which continued the agitation, failed to maintain the momentum. In the 1972 Assembly elections, the Congress(I), with the TPS back in its fold, won a record 218 seats, with 16 of its candidates winning without contest. The separatist forces failed to create any impact. This election was significant for another reason: none of the prominent Reddy supporters of Brahmananda Reddi was given the Congress(I) ticket.

    Indira Gandhi put together a six-point formula to resolve the separatist question. This envisaged the division of the State into six zones. Government jobs below the first gazetted level and as well as seats in government colleges and universities were by and large reserved for “local” people from the five remaining zones had to compete for the 15 per cent “non-local” seats. This formula continues to be in force. Students from Andhra Pradesh are unable to compete in all-India medical entrance tests because to allow them that facility the Centre requires 15 per cent of seats in each medical college in the State to be set aside for meritorious students from all over the country, a condition the State cannot meet because of the six-point formula.

    In 1971, Narasimha Rao started with a fund of goodwill, but he was indecisive: he made frequent trips to Delhi for instructions from the party high command. But when the Supreme Court upheld the Mulki rules, he stated that it gave “the finality” to the rights of the Telengana people. This sparked an agitation in the Andhra region for a “separate Andhra” as the people of Andhra protested against being treated as outsiders in their State capital. Narasimha Rao allowed his Cabinet to divide on the issue, with all the Andhra Ministers, including B.V.Subba Reddy and P. Basi Reddy, meeting in the chambers of the seniormost Minister, Raja Sagi Suryanarayana Raju, while the Chief Minister presided over a truncated Cabinet of Telengana Ministers. At a meeting M. Manik Rao, Minister for Municipal Administration, is said to have commented that “if Andhra Ministers want to leave, I will give them municipal lorries to carry their belongings.” This comment created further bad blood.

    The 100-odd Andhra MLAs met in Tirupati on December 31, 1972 and gave a call for an Andhra bandh and a ‘no-tax’ campaign. Narasimha Rao’s continuance as Chief Minister became untenable, though his followers maintained that the “landlords of the Andhra region had ganged up to thwart the Land Reforms Bill Narasimha Rao had piloted in the Assembly.” Narasimha Rao misjudged Delhi’s mood so badly that he inducted eight new Ministers into his Cabinet on January 8, 1973 while a decision had already been taken by Indira Gandhi to put Andhra Pradesh under President’s Rule. Harischandra Sarin, an Indian Civil Service officer, took over the administration. It was left to Jalagam Vengala Rao, who became Chief Minister in December 1973, to restore order in the State. Vengala Rao cemented the bonds among the Telugu-speaking people by holding the World Telugu Conference in Hyderabad in 1975.

    kosamerupu…….

    At the height of the Telengana agitation in 1969, poet Sri Sri and eminent freedom fighter Vavilala Gopalakrishniah addressed an “integrationist” rally at Khammam even as agitators tried to disrupt it. Today, however, there is no one tall leader to speak up for the unity of the Telugu-speaking people.

    RAMAKANTH REDDY

    ……….

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